Ivan Lukich Sorokin. Ivan Lukich Sorokin: biography Commander-in-Chief Sorokin civil war

Ivan Lukich Sorokin(December 4, Petropavlovskaya station, Labinsky department, Kuban region, Russian Empire - November 1, Stavropol) - red military leader, participant in the Russian-Japanese, World War I and Civil Wars. Commander-in-Chief of the Red Army of the North Caucasus. Commander of the 11th Red Army.

Biography

Participation in the First World War

During the First World War he served in the 1st Labinsky Regiment of the Caucasian Front as a paramedic.

Ekaterinodar, meanwhile, after the departure of the volunteers, experienced a difficult change in power; on March 1, Sorokin’s troops entered the city, and unheard-of outrages, robberies and executions began. Each military commander, each individual Red Guard had power over the lives of the “cadets and bourgeoisie.” All prisons, barracks, and public buildings were overcrowded with prisoners suspected of “sympathizing with the cadets.” Each military unit had its own “military revolutionary court”, which passed death sentences. The military commanders of the Red Guard could not or did not want to stop the outrages, and throughout the entire month of March, civil power was just being formed.

In June 1918 - assistant to the commander of the troops of the Kuban Soviet Republic A.I. Avtonomova.

In April-May 1918, he supported the commander-in-chief of the North Caucasian Red Army A.I. Avtonomov in his conflict with the civil authorities of the Kuban-Black Sea Republic. Soon after Avtonomov was removed because of this conflict and K.I. Kalnin was appointed in his place - on July 21 (August 4), he replaced the latter, after the defeat of the Reds by the Volunteer Army near Tikhoretskaya and Kushchevskaya (see Second Kuban Campaign), as commander-in-chief of the Red Army army of the North Caucasus.

By order of the headquarters of the North Caucasus Military District dated September 24, 1918, Sorokin was confirmed as commander-in-chief of the troops of the North Caucasus.

Sorokin’s army consisted of 30-40 thousand soldiers of the former Caucasian Front with 80-90 guns and 2 armored trains, was located in the Kushchevka-Sosyk area and had two fronts:
- to the north against the Germans;
- to the northeast against the Don and Volunteer armies.

In October 1918 - commander of the 11th Red Army.

Power struggle and death

At the end of October 1918, the conflict between Sorokin and the Revolutionary Military Council of the North Caucasus broke out.

At this time, there was a process of reorganization of the Red Army, strengthening of “revolutionary discipline”, establishing subordination, known as the “fight against partisanship.” Many commanders, including Sorokin, who were accustomed to being independent in their actions and who had virtually unlimited power in controlled areas, did not like these innovations.

The RVS of the North Caucasus followed the center's line towards regular organization. In the struggle for elusive power, at the request of Sorokin, the commander of the Taman Army, I. I. Matveev, was first shot, and on October 21, 1918, in Pyatigorsk, Sorokin ordered the execution of a group of leaders of the Central Executive Committee of the North Caucasus Soviet Republic and the regional committee of the RCP (b): Chairman of the Central Executive Committee A. A. Rubin, secretary of the regional committee M. I. Krainey, chairman of the front Cheka B. Rozhansky, commissioner of the Central Election Commission for food S. A. Dunaevsky.

In connection with this open protest against Soviet power, the 2nd Extraordinary Congress of Councils of the North Caucasus was convened on October 27, 1918. The Congress removed Sorokin from the post of Commander-in-Chief and appointed I.F. Fedko in his place, who was ordered by the Central Executive Committee to immediately take up his duties. Sorokin was declared an outlaw. Trying to find support from the army, Sorokin left Pyatigorsk towards Stavropol, where fighting was going on at that time.

On October 30, 1918, Sorokin and his staff were detained by the cavalry regiment of the Taman Army under the command of M.V. Smirnov. The “Tamans”, having disarmed the headquarters and personal convoy of Sorokin, imprisoned them together with the former commander-in-chief in a Stavropol prison.

On November 1, 1918, the commander of the 3rd Taman Regiment of the 1st Taman Infantry Division, I. T. Vyslenko, shot and killed I. L. Sorokin in the prison yard.

In response to the execution of the leaders of the Central Executive Committee from November 1 to November 3, 1918, more than 100 people were executed in Pyatigorsk (most were hacked to death with swords): 58 hostages, including the generals of the former imperial army Radko-Dmitriev and Ruzsky, and 47 convicted of various crimes from counterfeiting to participation in counter-revolutionary groups and organizations

Reviews

Commander of the Dobroarmiya Gen. A. I. Denikin highly appreciated Sorokin’s actions during the battles for Ekaterinodar in the summer of 1918:

... the whole plan demonstrates great courage and art. I don’t know whose – Sorokin’s or his staff’s. But if in general the ideological leadership in strategy and tactics during the North Caucasian War belonged to Sorokin himself, then in the person of the genius paramedic, Soviet Russia lost a major military leader.

Image in art

In literature

I. L. Sorokin is one of the characters in Alexei Tolstoy’s trilogy novel “Walking through Torment”.

I. L. Sorokin appears in the sketches of Artyom Vesely’s novel “Russia, Washed in Blood.”

I. L. Sorokin is mentioned in G. Miroshnichenko’s story “Youth Army”

In cinema

Write a review of the article "Sorokin, Ivan Lukich"

Notes

Bibliography

Karpov N. D. The mutiny of Commander-in-Chief Sorokin: truth and fiction. - M.: NP Publishing House "Russian Panorama", 2006. - 415 pp.: - (Pages of Russian history). ISBN 5-93165-152-7
Cherkasov-Georgievsky V. General P.N. Wrangel - the last knight of the Russian Empire.. - M.: Tsentrpoligraf, 2004. - (Forgotten and unknown Russia).
Denikin A.I.. - M.: Iris-press, 2006. - ISBN 5-8112-1890-7.
Kenez Peter Red attack, white resistance. 1917-1918/Trans. from English K. A. Nikiforova. - M.: ZAO Tsentrpoligraf, 2007. - 287 pp. - (Russia at a turning point in history). ISBN 978-5-9524-2748-8
Kovtyukh E.I."Iron Stream" in military terms. - Moscow: State Military Publishing House, 1935.
Obertas I. L. .
Kisin Sergey.. - M.: Phoenix, 2011. - 413 p. - (Mark on history). - 2,500 copies. - ISBN 978-5-222-18400-4.
Shambarov V. E.- M.: EKSMO, Algorithm, 2007. - (History of Russia. Modern view). ISBN 978-5-926-50354-5
Puchenkov A. S.// Contemporary history of Russia. - 2012. - Issue. 3. - pp. 260-274.

Links. Sources

Excerpt characterizing Sorokin, Ivan Lukic

At one end of the table the countess sat at the head. On the right is Marya Dmitrievna, on the left is Anna Mikhailovna and other guests. At the other end sat the count, on the left the hussar colonel, on the right Shinshin and other male guests. On one side of the long table are older young people: Vera next to Berg, Pierre next to Boris; on the other hand - children, tutors and governesses. From behind the crystal, bottles and vases of fruit, the Count looked at his wife and her tall cap with blue ribbons and diligently poured wine for his neighbors, not forgetting himself. The countess also, from behind the pineapples, not forgetting her duties as a housewife, cast significant glances at her husband, whose bald head and face, it seemed to her, were more sharply different from his gray hair in their redness. There was a steady babble on the ladies' end; in the men's room, voices were heard louder and louder, especially the hussar colonel, who ate and drank so much, blushing more and more, that the count was already setting him up as an example to the other guests. Berg, with a gentle smile, spoke to Vera that love is not an earthly, but a heavenly feeling. Boris named his new friend Pierre the guests at the table and exchanged glances with Natasha, who was sitting opposite him. Pierre spoke little, looked at new faces and ate a lot. Starting from two soups, from which he chose a la tortue, [turtle,] and kulebyaki and to hazel grouse, he did not miss a single dish and not a single wine, which the butler mysteriously stuck out in a bottle wrapped in a napkin from behind his neighbor’s shoulder, saying or “drey Madeira", or "Hungarian", or "Rhine wine". He placed the first of the four crystal glasses with the count's monogram that stood in front of each device, and drank with pleasure, looking at the guests with an increasingly pleasant expression. Natasha, sitting opposite him, looked at Boris the way thirteen-year-old girls look at a boy with whom they had just kissed for the first time and with whom they are in love. This same look of hers sometimes turned to Pierre, and under the gaze of this funny, lively girl he wanted to laugh himself, not knowing why.
Nikolai sat far from Sonya, next to Julie Karagina, and again with the same involuntary smile he spoke to her. Sonya smiled grandly, but apparently was tormented by jealousy: she turned pale, then blushed and listened with all her might to what Nikolai and Julie were saying to each other. The governess looked around restlessly, as if preparing to fight back if anyone decided to offend the children. The German tutor tried to memorize all kinds of dishes, desserts and wines in order to describe everything in detail in a letter to his family in Germany, and was very offended by the fact that the butler, with a bottle wrapped in a napkin, carried him around. The German frowned, tried to show that he did not want to receive this wine, but was offended because no one wanted to understand that he needed the wine not to quench his thirst, not out of greed, but out of conscientious curiosity.

At the male end of the table the conversation became more and more animated. The colonel said that the manifesto declaring war had already been published in St. Petersburg and that the copy that he himself had seen had now been delivered by courier to the commander-in-chief.
- And why is it difficult for us to fight Bonaparte? - said Shinshin. – II a deja rabattu le caquet a l "Autriche. Je crins, que cette fois ce ne soit notre tour. [He has already knocked down the arrogance of Austria. I am afraid that our turn would not come now.]
The colonel was a stocky, tall and sanguine German, obviously a servant and a patriot. He was offended by Shinshin's words.
“And then, we are a good sovereign,” he said, pronouncing e instead of e and ъ instead of ь. “Then that the emperor knows this. He said in his manifesto that he can look indifferently at the dangers threatening Russia, and that the safety of the empire, its dignity and the sanctity of its alliances,” he said, for some reason especially emphasizing the word “unions”, as if this was the whole essence of the matter.
And with his characteristic infallible, official memory, he repeated the opening words of the manifesto... “and the desire, the sole and indispensable goal of the sovereign: to establish peace in Europe on solid foundations - they decided to send part of the army abroad and make new efforts to achieve this intention “.
“That’s why, we are a good sovereign,” he concluded, edifyingly drinking a glass of wine and looking back at the count for encouragement.
– Connaissez vous le proverbe: [You know the proverb:] “Erema, Erema, you should sit at home, sharpen your spindles,” said Shinshin, wincing and smiling. – Cela nous convient a merveille. [This comes in handy for us.] Why Suvorov - they chopped him up, a plate couture, [on his head,] and where are our Suvorovs now? Je vous demande un peu, [I ask you,] - he said, constantly jumping from Russian to French.
“We must fight until the last drop of blood,” said the colonel, hitting the table, “and die for our emperor, and then everything will be fine.” And to argue as much as possible (he especially drew out his voice on the word “possible”), as little as possible,” he finished, again turning to the count. “That’s how we judge the old hussars, that’s all.” How do you judge, young man and young hussar? - he added, turning to Nikolai, who, having heard that it was about war, left his interlocutor and looked with all his eyes and listened with all his ears to the colonel.
“I completely agree with you,” answered Nikolai, all flushed, spinning the plate and rearranging the glasses with such a decisive and desperate look, as if at the moment he was exposed to great danger, “I am convinced that the Russians must die or win,” he said. feeling the same way as others, after the word had already been said, that it was too enthusiastic and pompous for the present occasion and therefore awkward.
“C"est bien beau ce que vous venez de dire, [Wonderful! What you said is wonderful],” said Julie, who was sitting next to him, sighing. Sonya trembled all over and blushed to the ears, behind the ears and to the neck and shoulders, in While Nikolai was speaking, Pierre listened to the colonel’s speeches and nodded his head approvingly.
“That’s nice,” he said.
“A real hussar, young man,” shouted the colonel, hitting the table again.
-What are you making noise about there? – Marya Dmitrievna’s bass voice was suddenly heard across the table. - Why are you knocking on the table? - she turned to the hussar, - who are you getting excited about? right, you think that the French are in front of you?
“I’m telling the truth,” said the hussar, smiling.
“Everything about the war,” the count shouted across the table. - After all, my son is coming, Marya Dmitrievna, my son is coming.
- And I have four sons in the army, but I don’t bother. Everything is God’s will: you will die lying on the stove, and in battle God will have mercy,” Marya Dmitrievna’s thick voice sounded without any effort from the other end of the table.
- This is true.
And the conversation focused again - the ladies at their end of the table, the men at his.
“But you won’t ask,” said the little brother to Natasha, “but you won’t ask!”
“I’ll ask,” Natasha answered.
Her face suddenly flushed, expressing desperate and cheerful determination. She stood up, inviting Pierre, who was sitting opposite her, to listen, and turned to her mother:
- Mother! – her childish, chesty voice sounded across the table.
- What do you want? – the countess asked in fear, but, seeing from her daughter’s face that it was a prank, she sternly waved her hand, making a threatening and negative gesture with her head.
The conversation died down.
- Mother! what kind of cake will it be? – Natasha’s voice sounded even more decisively, without breaking down.
The Countess wanted to frown, but could not. Marya Dmitrievna shook her thick finger.
“Cossack,” she said threateningly.
Most of the guests looked at the elders, not knowing how to take this trick.
- Here I am! - said the countess.
- Mother! what kind of cake will there be? - Natasha shouted boldly and capriciously cheerfully, confident in advance that her prank would be well received.
Sonya and fat Petya were hiding from laughter.
“That’s why I asked,” Natasha whispered to her little brother and Pierre, whom she looked at again.
“Ice cream, but they won’t give it to you,” said Marya Dmitrievna.
Natasha saw that there was nothing to be afraid of, and therefore she was not afraid of Marya Dmitrievna.
- Marya Dmitrievna? what ice cream! I don't like cream.
- Carrot.
- No, which one? Marya Dmitrievna, which one? – she almost screamed. - I want to know!
Marya Dmitrievna and the Countess laughed, and all the guests followed them. Everyone laughed not at Marya Dmitrievna’s answer, but at the incomprehensible courage and dexterity of this girl, who knew how and dared to treat Marya Dmitrievna like that.
Natasha fell behind only when she was told that there would be pineapple. Champagne was served before the ice cream. The music started playing again, the count kissed the countess, and the guests stood up and congratulated the countess, clinking glasses across the table with the count, the children, and each other. Waiters ran in again, chairs rattled, and in the same order, but with redder faces, the guests returned to the drawing room and the count’s office.

The Boston tables were moved apart, the parties were drawn up, and the count's guests settled in two living rooms, a sofa room and a library.
The Count, fanning out his cards, could hardly resist the habit of an afternoon nap and laughed at everything. The youth, incited by the countess, gathered around the clavichord and harp. Julie was the first, at the request of everyone, to play a piece with variations on the harp and, together with other girls, began to ask Natasha and Nikolai, known for their musicality, to sing something. Natasha, who was addressed as a big girl, was apparently very proud of this, but at the same time she was timid.
- What are we going to sing? – she asked.
“The key,” answered Nikolai.
- Well, let's hurry up. Boris, come here,” Natasha said. - Where is Sonya?
She looked around and, seeing that her friend was not in the room, ran after her.
Running into Sonya’s room and not finding her friend there, Natasha ran into the nursery - and Sonya was not there. Natasha realized that Sonya was in the corridor on the chest. The chest in the corridor was the place of sorrows of the younger female generation of the Rostov house. Indeed, Sonya in her airy pink dress, crushing it, lay face down on her nanny’s dirty striped feather bed, on the chest and, covering her face with her fingers, cried bitterly, shaking her bare shoulders. Natasha's face, animated, with a birthday all day, suddenly changed: her eyes stopped, then her wide neck shuddered, the corners of her lips drooped.
- Sonya! what are you?...What, what's wrong with you? Wow wow!…
And Natasha, opening her big mouth and becoming completely stupid, began to roar like a child, not knowing the reason and only because Sonya was crying. Sonya wanted to raise her head, wanted to answer, but she couldn’t and hid even more. Natasha cried, sitting down on the blue feather bed and hugging her friend. Having gathered her strength, Sonya stood up, began to wipe away her tears and tell the story.
- Nikolenka is leaving in a week, his... paper... came out... he told me himself... Yes, I still wouldn’t cry... (she showed the piece of paper she was holding in her hand: it was poetry written by Nikolai) I still wouldn’t cry, but you didn’t you can... no one can understand... what kind of soul he has.
And she again began to cry because his soul was so good.
“You feel good... I don’t envy you... I love you, and Boris too,” she said, gathering a little strength, “he’s cute... there are no obstacles for you.” And Nikolai is my cousin... I need... the metropolitan himself... and that’s impossible. And then, if mamma... (Sonya considered the countess and called her mother), she will say that I am ruining Nikolai’s career, I have no heart, that I am ungrateful, but really... for God’s sake... (she crossed herself) I love her so much too , and all of you, only Vera... For what? What did I do to her? I am so grateful to you that I would be glad to sacrifice everything, but I have nothing...
Sonya could no longer speak and again hid her head in her hands and the feather bed. Natasha began to calm down, but her face showed that she understood the importance of her friend’s grief.
- Sonya! - she said suddenly, as if she had guessed the real reason for her cousin’s grief. – That’s right, Vera talked to you after dinner? Yes?
– Yes, Nikolai himself wrote these poems, and I copied others; She found them on my table and said that she would show them to mamma, and also said that I was ungrateful, that mamma would never allow him to marry me, and he would marry Julie. You see how he is with her all day... Natasha! For what?…
And again she cried more bitterly than before. Natasha lifted her up, hugged her and, smiling through her tears, began to calm her down.
- Sonya, don’t believe her, darling, don’t believe her. Do you remember how all three of us talked to Nikolenka in the sofa room; remember after dinner? After all, we decided everything how it would be. I don’t remember how, but you remember how everything was good and everything was possible. Uncle Shinshin’s brother is married to a cousin, and we are second cousins. And Boris said that this is very possible. You know, I told him everything. And he is so smart and so good,” said Natasha... “You, Sonya, don’t cry, my dear darling, Sonya.” - And she kissed her, laughing. - Faith is evil, God bless her! But everything will be fine, and she won’t tell mamma; Nikolenka will say it himself, and he didn’t even think about Julie.

Esaul. Commander-in-Chief of the Red Army of the North Caucasus in 1918

I. L. Sorokin was one of those true heroes of the Civil War who were “splashed out” to the top of those historical events by the violent whirlpool of armed confrontation between the Red and White movements. He became such a nugget from the people during the armed struggle of two polar class forces, such as, for example, the Cossacks Mironov and Shkuro, Kashirin and Semyonov, Podtyolkov and Pokrovsky...

Ivan Sorokin was born in the village of Petropavlovsk, Kuban region, into a middle-income Cossack family. Since childhood, he was distinguished by his decisive character, which, however, did not prevent him from successfully completing the Ekaterinodar Military Paramedic School. She trained regimental medical workers for the Kuban and Terek Cossack troops.

...The First World War began for military paramedic Sorokin in the ranks of the first-priority 1st Kuban Plastun Brigade on the Caucasian Front. There, the Cossack infantry from the banks of the Kuban, Don and Terek demonstrated miracles of heroism, distinguishing themselves in almost all the battles with the Turks, which were fought by the Separate Caucasian Army under the command of the famous commander of old Russia, infantry general N.N. Yudenich. These were Sarykamysh and Ardahan, Erzurum and Trebizond, Erzincan and Hopa...

Military paramedic Ivan Sorokin fought “approximately”, more than once replacing riflemen and junior commanders in the trenches in battle. He was noticed by his superiors and awarded military awards. Already in the second year of the war, in 1915, he was sent to study at the 3rd Tiflis School of Ensigns, from which he graduated with the rank of Cossack cornet.

At first, Sorokin served as a junior officer in the 3rd Line Cossack Regiment. After new distinctions in battles with the Turks, he receives the rank of captain and becomes the commander of a hundred of the 1st Labinsk Cossack Regiment of the 2nd Caucasian Cossack Division. We had to fight on the same Caucasian front...

The energetic Captain Ivan Sorokin did not stay away from the October events. At the beginning of 1918, when the old Russian army ceased to exist and the front-line Cossacks returned to their native villages and farms, the former officer organized a Cossack revolutionary detachment with a force of 150 sabers. He led his detachment to the Tikhoretskaya railway station, where he joined the South-Eastern revolutionary army, commanded by the former Cossack cornet A.I. Avtonomov.

Sorokin famously and successfully commanded his cavalry detachment of fellow countrymen in the Kuban, where the Civil War had been raging since the beginning of 1918. He skillfully commanded, knew how to say a calling word at a rally, and make a strong-willed decision. People were drawn to Ivan Sorokin, and soon there were up to four thousand Red Cossacks in his detachment. And not only Cossacks.

The former military paramedic became a dangerous adversary for the white command, which was based on specialists from the Imperial General Staff. In April 1918, the Sorokin detachment dealt a strong blow to the Kornilov Volunteer Army, which heroically stormed the city of Yekaterinodar.

This success was noticed by the command of the Red troops, and in the same April, Ivan Sorokin became assistant to the commander-in-chief of the troops of the Kuban-Black Sea Republic (there was such a thing during the Civil War in Russia). However, Sorokin soon began to show open disobedience to Avtonomov, displaying a certain “independence.” Although, for the sake of fairness, it should be noted that both of them had largely similar views on the events taking place.

But his direct superior also admitted the same thing in relation to higher authorities. Such was the nature of the Civil War. As a result, for refusing to submit to the control of the Central Executive Committee and the Emergency Headquarters of the Kuban-Black Sea Republic, by decision of the 3rd Congress of Soviets of the same republic, A. I. Avtonomov was removed from office.

After Avtonomov’s removal in May 1918, Ivan Sorokin quite successfully commanded the complex Rostov combat sector, now against Denikin’s Volunteer Army. Then he is entrusted with a group of troops in the North Caucasus.

The Red troops in the Russian South needed a new military leader: decisive, able to win, popular. On August 3, 1918, the political leadership of the Kuban-Black Sea Republic appointed former Cossack officer Ivan Lukich Sorokin as commander-in-chief of the troops of the North Caucasus. On October 3 of the same year, he became acting commander of the 9th Army.

Without a doubt, Sorokin had excellent organizational skills, personal courage, and military experience, which he transferred from the Caucasian front to the flames of the Civil War. Researchers do not question his personal popularity. He advocated that old military specialists serve in the Red Army. His speeches at rallies had an “incendiary effect.”

But... soon the commander-in-chief of the Red Army of the North Caucasus began, in his frequent public speeches, to criticize local party and Soviet bodies for their openly hostile policy towards the Cossacks. He said that the political leadership does not know “local specifics.”

He developed great ambition early on, or, in other words, his head was spinning from his high position, rights and opportunities. Although the military successes of the Reds in the Russian South at the end of 1918 became less and less: the Kuban Cossacks for the most part swayed to the side of the White movement. White emigrant historian A. A. Gordeev wrote about those events as follows:

“...The Reds, under the command of paramedic Sorokin, retreated beyond the Kuban. Second part (Taman army. - A. Sh.) retreated towards Novorossiysk and further to the Black Sea coast, and from there it moved and became closer to Sorokin’s units.

On the territory of Kuban, up to 90,000 Red troops with 124 guns were concentrated against 35–40,000 volunteers with 89 guns. The villages constantly passed from one hand to another..."

Sorokin began to strive for unlimited power. On his orders, illegal requisitions, arrests and executions were carried out. In the second half of 1918, he already openly opposed himself to the leadership of the Kuban-Black Sea Republic, which maintained close ties with Moscow.

Under the pretext of strengthening discipline in the red units, he removes G. A. Kochergin from command of the Belorechensky district. He orders the execution of the commander of the Taman Army, I. I. Matveev, a man of great personal popularity among the soldiers, allegedly for failure to comply with his orders.

The Sorokinsky conflict with the leadership of the Soviet Republic in the Kuban-Black Sea region was nearing its end. At the congress of the command staff of the Red Army of the North Caucasus, the commander-in-chief accused the political leadership of the republic of poor supply of food and uniforms, ammunition and monetary allowances to the Red troops. In that ripe conflict, this speech became the last straw.

They decide to remove Sorokin from his post as commander-in-chief. Things went on like this. The secretary of the Kuban-Black Sea region, M.I. Krainy, threw a note across the table of the presidium of that congress of paint committees to the chairman of the Cheka, M.P. Vlasov. The note said that the issue of Sorokin’s removal would be decided in the next few days. The note said:

“...Either this bastard, or us.”

However, Vlasov did not notice the note thrown to him. It was raised by the head of the Pyatigorsk garrison, Cherny, who was a supporter of the commander-in-chief.

The next day, Sorokin became aware of the contents of Krayny’s note. He assembles the Military Council of the Army, which makes an indictment decision against the leadership of the Kuban-Black Sea region. The leaders of the region are accused of nothing less than treason against the revolutionary cause and are sentenced to death.

On October 21, 1918, at the foot of Mount Mashuk on the outskirts of Pyatigorsk, the chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the Kuban-Black Sea Republic A. A. Rubin, the secretary of the regional committee M. I. Krainy, the chairman of the Cheka M. P. Vlasov, the chairman of the front-line Cheka B. G. Rozhansky were shot.

Further events developed quickly. On October 27, the Extraordinary Congress of Soviets of the North Caucasus convened urgently at the Nevinnomysskaya railway station. By his decision, he declared commander-in-chief Ivan Sorokin and his three deputies outlaws.

On October 30, Sorokin was arrested in Stavropol, near which heavy fighting was taking place. Before the trial, he is placed in a city prison under reliable guard - they are afraid of attempts at release.

On November 1, the commander of the 3rd Taman Regiment of the Taman Army, I. T. Vyslenko, bursts into the cell with a weapon in his hands. He kills the prisoner: then it was believed that this was personal revenge for the murder of the Taman army commander Matveev.

Still, the topic of “atamanism” is very interesting, especially in terms of types. It is characteristic that at that time every partisan father considered it necessary to have his own convoy - for beauty, for authority, and even so that he could effectively rush into battle.

Sorokin rode on horseback, as always, surrounded by adjutants and a convoy of hundreds, consisting of Adygeis and horse hundreds of the Peasant Regiment.

He began to frequently organize military parades and invariably appeared at them with a red ribbon over his shoulder, which on behalf of the troops was presented to him by the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee for the capture of Yekaterinodar.

N. Karpov. The mutiny of Commander-in-Chief Sorokin: truth and fiction. M., Russian Panorama, 2006. P.296, 204

From the outside, it was noticed that Sorokin was somehow worried about the disagreement with the Central Election Commission. He, in modern language, knew how to “take a punch” and behave proudly in any environment. While touring the troops, he pranced on a beautiful purebred red horse, although he dressed modestly, he had a dagger and saber with silver instructions. His staff matched him; everyone tried to imitate Sorokin both in clothing and in behavior in battle. (P.204)

However, with the arrival of revolutionary-minded front-line soldiers, local Cossacks decided to create a revolutionary committee, and Ivan Sorokin was elected its chairman. He did not change his clothes, still wore military uniform, with military insignia, and did not part with his Mauser (P.148)

In photographs, Sorokin stood out among his entourage not because of his clothes or weapons: the Red Cossack commanders, especially the Cossacks, were always dandy. Here the commander-in-chief was lost. one difference: a scarlet moire ribbon over the shoulder for the victory over Kornilov - from the Central Executive Committee of the Kuban Republic and the Ekaterinodar Regional Committee of the RCP (b) (...) These are all the distinctions received by Sorokin, except for fifteen wounds in a dozen battles, skirmishes, operations, victories and defeats... No “luxurious appearance” and “oriental splendor”. An ordinary gray Circassian coat and a black beshmet are the everyday clothes of a Kuban Cossack in the ranks. He wore a regular black kurpei hat, not even an astrakhan one. And in gases, instead of gases, there are always rifle cartridges with bullets down. Weapons in silver. Among the Kazakh horsemen, for example Kochubey, it was richer (P.266). Many people had already gathered at the army headquarters. They are dressed differently: in Circassian jackets, leather jackets, coats, nautical pea coats. Some with bandages. Near the open window, Mironenko saw Abramenko, Voronov, and Sherebkin. A group of commanders unfamiliar to him were talking in the far corner. They spoke loudly, interrupting each other. Tobacco smoke swirled overhead. Everyone was in high spirits. Autonovo did not appear. The meeting was opened by Sorokin. Dressed in a black Circassian coat with a patterned belt, and a kubanka made of black kurpei, he looked smart. F.F. Krutogolov. Fiery miles. Krasnodar, 1975. P.29-30.

The book is good, of course, but the author’s idealization of Sorokin is very annoying. For some reason, sympathizers always have to indirectly insult the “enemies” of their idol.

Ivanov was a common type of official from the revolution in those years. His appearance was consumer goods: a jacket, riding breeches and English boots with leggings, shoulder-length hair and a goat beard. This “revolutionary appearance”, by the way, was very much loved by the Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries and later the Trotskyists. (...) Ivanov began his activities by mockingly ridiculing and failing any proposal from Avtonomov. The entire short history of their “cooperation” was marked by outright hostility and insults.
Balis, the Commissioner for Nationalities Affairs, also dressed popularly, but with his behavior he played his brother-sailor, and then the same shoulder-length hair, a goat’s tail instead of a beard, a French jacket, leggings...

Berlizov A.E. Road of honor. Krasnodar, "Soviet Kuban, 1995. P. 207, 219.

Esaul. Commander-in-Chief of the Red Army of the North Caucasus in 1918

On the territory of Kuban, up to 90,000 Red troops with 124 guns were concentrated against 35–40,000 volunteers with 89 guns. The villages constantly passed from one hand to another..."

“...Either this bastard, or us.”

However, Vlasov did not notice the note thrown to him. It was raised by the head of the Pyatigorsk garrison, Cherny, who was a supporter of the commander-in-chief.

IVAN LUKICH SOROKIN (1884-1918)

In Soviet times, Ivan Lukich Sorokin was called “the largest adventurer of the Civil War in the North Caucasus,” Krutogolov F.F. Fiery Miles. Krasnodar, 1975. P. 118. “unprincipled ambitious”, Ladokha G. Decree. Op. P. 116. they spoke of him as the embodiment of “unbridled petty-bourgeois elements with a Cossack-independent flavor.” Borisenko I. Soviet republics in the North Caucasus. T. 2. P. 163. In another of his books, I. Borisenko generally wrote an extremely strange phrase about Sorokin: “Cunning, decisive, bold and courageous, an undoubtedly gifted man, Sorokin conducted the betrayal of the revolution in such a way that it was difficult to suspect him of an adventure " Borisenko I. Adventurers in the Civil War in the North Caucasus... P. 31.

Meanwhile, such different people, opponents of Sorokin during the 1918 campaign, as A. I. Denikin, E. V. Maslovsky and I. G. Erdeli spoke about the red commander-in-chief exclusively in complimentary tones. Puchenkov A. S. National policy of General Denikin (spring 1918 - spring 1920). M., 2016. P. 109. This alone forces us to attempt a more balanced assessment of Sorokin’s personality.

On July 21, I. L. Sorokin was appointed commander-in-chief of the red troops of the North Caucasus. Other candidates - I. F. Fedko and D. P. Zhloby - did not find support; I. F. Fedko, by all accounts, was not suitable for the role of Commander-in-Chief, being, as they said at that time, an unsurpassed “field commander”; Zhloba, on behalf of the senior command staff of the army, left with a report to Tsaritsyn, asking the center “about the need to conduct an offensive towards Torgovaya to connect with our cut-off units.” He. Anti-Bolshevik movement in the South and South-West of Russia... Dis. d.i. n. P. 429. This is the version of events expressed by Zhloba in his memoirs. Another explanation looks much more plausible, which is confirmed in the sources: there were hostile relations between Zhloba and Sorokin, knowing the position of the Central Executive Committee, and the impending election of Sorokin, Zhloba left his previous place of service, not wanting to serve under the command of I. L. Sorokin.

In fact, the Red Command had no other candidate for the post of Commander-in-Chief than Sorokin; his military talents did not raise any doubts in anyone at that time.

At a meeting of the Central Election Commission, Chairman A. Rubin announced the approval of Sorokin by the Commander-in-Chief. Sorokin’s advantage, as CEC member E.D. Lekhno recalled, was that he was a Kuban Cossack, and also a capable and brave military leader. Ibid. P. 430. “The new figure in the post of commander-in-chief impressed both the masses and the authorities more than the previous ones, for Sorokin was truly militarily capable, generally a strong and decisive person, according to the statements of many who encountered him during that period…. All these positive qualities could easily turn into a negative value in relation to the bodies of Soviet power, in the event of disagreements between Sorokin and the Central Executive Committee. With this turn of events, he became even more dangerous than his predecessors, because, possessing determination and great lust for power, having great popularity among the troops, and being surrounded by the masses with the aura of a winner, he could easily launch an adventure even larger in size than Avtonomov and others.” - recalled I. Borisenko. Borisenko I. Soviet republics in the North Caucasus in 1918... T. 2. P. 162. He also admitted that “Sorokin knew how to control the masses. Decisive and courageous, he stopped at nothing.” Borisenko I. Adventurers... P. 31.

Ivan Lukich Sorokin is a tragic figure. In October 1918, the talented, self-taught commander became a victim of lynching. The very name of Sorokin turned out to be slandered, who was ultimately blamed for the defeat of the Red troops in the North Caucasus, which I.L. Sorokin commanded for 3 months - from July to October 1918.

Having raised a “rebellion” against the local Soviet government, Sorokin was killed and, already dead, accused of all mortal sins. The former commander-in-chief was ranked among the “adventurers”; in scientific literature he was portrayed as an unusually power-hungry, cruel and generally narrow-minded person; memoirists were ordered “from above” to write about Sorokin as an absurd commander who did not understand the tasks of the party and was deeply un-Soviet. Puchenkov A. S. Anti-Bolshevik movement in the South and South-West of Russia... Dis. d.i. n. P. 430. The Soviet historian I. Razgon was forced to write an outright lie, claiming that in “his army [I. L. Sorokina. - Author] hated.” At the same time, Razgon found the courage to admit that “Sorokin was uniquely popular among the Cossacks...”. Dispersal I. The defeat of Kornilov in the Kuban // Military History Journal. 1940. No. 2. P. 35.

Dispersal also claimed that “Sorokin’s headquarters was an enemy nest where spies and traitors were holed up. Sorokin himself and his closest assistants were Social Revolutionaries...” Right there. P. 37. In fact, in retrospect, Stalinist historiography called Sorokin an enemy of the people. In the mass consciousness, Sorokin was remembered thanks to Alexei Tolstoy’s novel “Walking Through Torment,” in which I. L. Sorokin was shown as a not very sober person, incredibly hot-tempered, cruel, although popular among the troops. Tolstoy A. N. Walking through torment. M., 1982. S. 210-215. At the same time, A.N. Tolstoy managed to show the significance of Sorokin’s personality in the fight against Denikin: “Wherever the battle wavered, everywhere the Red Army soldiers saw Sorokin racing on a red horse.

It seemed that with his passionate will alone he turned the fate of the war, saving the Black Sea region.” Right there. P. 215. Approximately this image of Tolstoy’s Sorokin was embodied on the silver screen by the artist E. S. Matveev, who played I. L. Sorokin in the film adaptation of “Walking Through Torment” in the late 1950s. Sorokin was chosen as the main culprit for the defeats of the Red Army in the North Caucasus; retreat from such an interpretation was impossible. For more details, see: Puchenkov A. S. Anti-Bolshevik movement in the South and South-West of Russia... Dis. d.i. n. pp. 429-455. Meanwhile, if you believe the main opponent of Sorokin and the Red Army in the North Caucasus, General Denikin, yesterday’s paramedic was a talented, self-taught commander who showed exceptional skill in the fight against the Volunteer Army, and in “the person of the brilliant paramedic, Soviet Russia lost a major military leader.” Denikin A.I. Essays on Russian Troubles. M., 2003. T. 3. P. 608.

Probably, his adjutant F.F. Krutogolov, the author of the published memoirs “Miles of Fire,” published in two editions, wrote quite objectively about Sorokin. In his published memoirs, Krutogolov was forced to write about Ivan Lukich - as it should be, that is, sharply critically. At the same time, shortly before his death, F. F. Krutogolov handed over to the Krasnodar archive the manuscript of his memoirs “The Truth about Sorokin”, in which he gave his commander a less biased description, apparently considering this his moral duty to the late commander-in-chief.

According to F.F. Krutogolov, Sorokin was an extremely ambitious man, but devoted to Soviet power. As a military man, a talented, self-taught commander, Sorokin was irritated by the interference in his competence by party and Soviet bodies; he, according to the memoirist, “strove to be unlimited in the sphere of military activity.” This conflict of interests played a fatal role both for the Soviet government in the region and for Sorokin himself. Krutogolov F. F. The truth about Sorokin / Publication by A. S. Puchenkov // Contemporary history of Russia. 2012. No. 3. pp. 264, 269-270. It is curious that, for greater solemnity, Sorokin was accompanied everywhere by an orchestra on horseback, and he ended his speeches to the troops with the order to “give music.” (See: Morozova O.M. Two acts of drama: the combat past and post-war everyday life of Civil War veterans. Rostov n/d, 2010. P. 137.). At the same time, there is no doubt that Sorokin was the most talented military leader and the most charismatic figure in the Red Army of the North Caucasus.

Within a few days, the White Army was on the verge of defeat; Sorokin had already managed to report to the Central Executive Committee of the North Caucasus Republic about the final defeat of the “cadets.” The Reds underestimated the enemy, and even made a corresponding regrouping of forces, which the Whites skillfully took advantage of.

In the Red camp, internal strife continued to occur between the Central Executive Committee of the republic and the troops of Sorokin, whose headquarters, like the Central Executive Committee, had now been moved to Pyatigorsk. For the first time in the entire existence of the North Caucasian Republic, the highest military and civil authorities were in such close proximity to each other.

The Central Executive Committee, of course, now did not carry out any work on Soviet construction, concentrating all its attention on the army. The regional party committee and the Central Executive Committee decided to take a firm line to curb the elements of the army, partisans and Sorokin himself. Stavropol State Local Lore Museum named after. G. N. Prozriteleva and G. K. Prave. (SGKM). Documentary fund. F. 429. (Borisenko I.P.). Memoirs of I. P. Borisenko, a member of the presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the North Caucasian SSR. “Why was the commander of the Taman Army Matveev shot?” Unit hr. 240. L. 66. The latter was clearly dissatisfied with the top of the local Soviet government, and demanded absolute freedom of action for his fighters. The formation of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Red Army of the North Caucasus was met with disapproval by Sorokin: the Commander-in-Chief saw in the Revolutionary Military Council “the beginning that dominates him.” Apparently, Sorokin had a similar attitude towards the Central Election Commission. Meanwhile, the troops under Sorokin continued to suffer defeats; as a result, the popularity of the Commander-in-Chief decreased, while the authority and influence of the commander of the Taman Army, sailor I. I. Matveev, grew. It is possible that Sorokin saw in I. I. Matveev a dangerous competitor and began to be jealous of his glory and victories, although Sorokin’s adjutant Krutogolov categorically denied this. Krutogolov F. F. The truth about Sorokin... P. 269. Sorokin, painfully worried his failures and letting all the troubles of his troops pass through him, apparently, was on the verge of nervous exhaustion. Apparently, Sorokin decided at any cost to restore his popularity among the troops and restore their lost combat effectiveness.

V. T. Sukhorukov, at that time the commander of the Georgievsky Front, who was in sharp conflict with Sorokin, which he openly writes about in his memoirs, in his monograph on the history of the 11th Army provides deliberately false information that I. I. Matveev was arrested and executed on Sorokin's initiative. Sukhorukov V.T. Decree. Op. P. 129.

According to V.T. Sukhorukov, “After the arrest of Matveev, it was felt even then that Sorokin was removing from the front everyone whom he could not count on in the adventure he had planned and, under various pretexts, he was removing these people.” Center for Documentation of Contemporary History of the Krasnodar Territory. (CDNIKK). F. 1774-R. Op. 2. D. 356. Memoirs of V. T. Sukhorukov about the Civil War. L. 18. Paradoxically, Sukhorukov admitted that “Sorokin still enjoyed authority in the army, and his adventurism could have ended tragically for the entire North Caucasus Republic. The shooting of Matveev was clear confirmation of these fears.” Sukhorukov V. T. In the name of revolution // Against Denikin. Collection of memories. M., 1969. pp. 36-37. Meanwhile, in Soviet scientific literature of the 1920s. exact facts were given: Matveev was shot by decision of the Revolutionary Military Council, and this order was supported by Krainy and Rubin. Having learned about the execution of Matveev, the Taman residents became furious, shouts were heard among them: “To Pyatigorsk! Let's avenge Matveev with bayonets! Sorokin is a traitor! According to the chief of staff of the Taman Army G. N. Baturin, such an attitude towards the execution of Matveev was unanimous: “not only the masses of ordinary soldiers, but also the entire command staff were of the same mood.” Baturin G. N. Red Taman Army. Slavyansk, 1923. P. 29.

Sorokin’s misfortune was the fact that the execution of Matveev for failure to comply with a combat order was associated only with him in the minds of the Taman residents. The Tamanians did not know that it was not only agreed with the RVS, but also supported by it. The RVS in those days considered it necessary to carry out a demonstrative action to curb partisanship. It is in this connection that the execution of Matveev, punished for being considered the personification of partisanism, should be considered. Sorokin, although he supported this decision, was not at the meeting of the Revolutionary Military Council at which Matveev’s fate was decided. Sorokin was ill. Krutogolov F. F. The truth about Sorokin... P. 268.

However, the Taman residents, who had long been looking askance at Sorokin, saw the envy of the commander-in-chief in the execution of their army commander. The Tamans loved their commander, and in the end they avenged him. Sorokin’s adjutant Krutogolov saw the reason for the extrajudicial reprisal of the Tamanians against Sorokin precisely by the desire of the Tamanians to avenge Matveev. Krutogolov wrote: “The Taman residents did not know that the order to execute the com. Matveev was Rubin and Krainey-Shneiderman, they thought that Sorokin did it, so Vyslenko shot the team. Sorokina I. L.” Right there. pp. 271-272. Meanwhile, from the above facts one can see that the “tsekists” “set up” Sorokin in front of the Tamanians, which ultimately led I. L. Sorokin to death.

An outright gamble was Sorokin’s decision to deal with Soviet figures of the North Caucasus Republic who were displeasing to him - the chairman of the Central Executive Committee A. A. Rubin, the secretary of the regional committee M. I. Krainy (A. I. Shnaiderman), the commissioner of the Central Executive Committee for food S. A. Dunaevsky, Rezhansky and the chairman Extraordinary Commission M. Vlasov - shot by order of I. L. Sorokin. Sorokin's adjutant, Grinenko, arrested the listed figures at the Bristol Hotel, where the Central Election Commission building was located, took them to the foot of Mashuk and shot them there. Sukhorukov V. T. XI Army... P. 131-132. Krainey’s 14-year-old brother was also taken hostage, for whose release Sorokin invited M.I. Krainey to sign a testimony in which Rubin, Rezhansky, Dunaevsky were presented as persons preparing a conspiracy against Soviet power.

After signing this testimony, Krainy was shot. Sorokin himself gave an official explanation for the executions, accusing the executed Central Executive Committee officials of plotting against Soviet power and having connections with Denikin. Sorokin claimed that during a search of the apartments of the CEC members he executed, a code for “conditional signals for communication with whites” was allegedly found. Subsequently, it was found out that the code that Sorokin spoke about was confiscated from the Whites during the arrest of their underground headquarters in Pyatigorsk and transferred to Krany, as a member of the Revolutionary Military Council, for use for military purposes. Sorokin knew this.

Consequently, the mention (in the context in which the commander-in-chief made it) of the code and other documents was Sorokin’s invention; later Sorokin’s adjutant Grinenko - the perpetrator of the arrest and execution - reported that the proclamations about the connections of Rubin’s comrades with the whites were composed by Sorokin’s associates Klyashtorny and Kostyan, and he, Grinenko, extracted the corresponding testimony from brother Krainiy. Nikitin I.K. Page of history. The struggle for Soviet power in the Pyatigorsk district (1917 - 1920). Stavropol, 1957. P. 56. In the editorial of Izvestia of the Central Executive Committee of the North Caucasus, Sorokin wrote about “the discovery of a monstrous conspiracy against Soviet power in the North Caucasus,” the threads of which “led from the highest authority in the North Caucasus, the Central Executive Committee.” The testimony extracted from the Extreme was used by Sorokin to confirm his thesis that “self-seekers and provocateurs, who thought not about the good of the working people, but about their own skin, attached themselves to the Soviet government.” In addition, the executed Central Executive Committee officials were accused of defeatism and connections with the “cadets.” Puchenkov A. S. Anti-Bolshevik movement in the South and South-West of Russia... Dis. d.i. n. P. 448.

At the 2nd Extraordinary Congress of Soviets of the North Caucasus, held in the village of Nevinnomysskaya on October 27, 1918, Sorokin was declared “outlawed, as a traitor and traitor to Soviet power and the revolution.” Now every citizen of the republic received the right to shoot Sorokin when meeting him. Sorokin refused to recognize the decision of the congress and left for Stavropol, briefly recaptured by the Red troops and hastily abandoned by the local bourgeoisie, where he was disarmed by the cavalry regiment of the Taman Army. Sorokin’s security, on whose banner it was written: “Death to the one who raises his hand against Comrade. Sorokina!”, betrayed her commander without resistance. SGKM. F. 429. Op. 1. Unit hr. 129. Memoirs of Taman resident P. G. Sechkin. L. 17. Sorokin’s headquarters was brought to the location of the Taman Army, but Ivan Lukich did not wait for the trial. The commander of one of the Taman units, I. Vyslenko, shot and killed the former commander in chief. TsDNIKK. F. 1774-R. Op. 2. D. 307. Memoirs of G. I. Mironenko. 1957. L. 19; State Archive of the Stavropol Territory. (GASK). F. 678. Op. 2. D. 39. L. 17.

Vyslenko found an explanation for his action very simple: “I carried out the decision of the emergency congress, shot the traitor bandit who shot our beloved commander, Comrade. Matveev, members of the North Caucasus Central Committee of our party Krainiy and Rubin, and the chairman of the Cheka.” SGKM. F. 429. Op. 1. Unit hr. 129. L. 18. At the headquarters, having learned about what had happened, they gave an order to arrest Vyslenko, but the Taman residents demanded that this order be cancelled. Just a few days later, Vyslenko was seriously wounded in battle and died. Right there. L. 18.

Trying to somehow explain Sorokin’s brutal reprisal against members of the Central Executive Committee, historian N.D. Karpov, the author of a monograph on the commander-in-chief, accepted the version of I.L. Sorokin’s attempt to prevent White Guard treason in the camp of the Central Executive Committee. Karpov N. D. Mutiny of Commander-in-Chief Sorokin. M., 2006. pp. 333-372. In fact, Karpov accepted the version of Sorokin himself, whose supporters, by the way, were also some veterans of the 11th Army, in particular, the political committee of the Red Army of the North Caucasus P. S. Gumennaya and the already mentioned F. F. Krutogolov. Krutogolov F. F. The truth about Sorokin... P. 265-268.

At the same time, it cannot be denied that a number of commanders of the Red Army, in particular V. T. Sukhorukov, not trusting the commander in chief, held secret meetings with the Extreme and other members of the Central Executive Committee, at which methods for removing Sorokin from office were worked out. Sukhorukov V. T . In the name of revolution // Against Denikin. Collection of memories. M., 1969. P. 39. Participants in secret meetings undoubtedly prepared the murder of Sorokin. Sukhorukov writes bluntly about the impending “liquidation” of the commander-in-chief: “There were several options: arrange a train crash, shoot, etc., but all this seemed problematic.” TsDNIKK. F. 1774-R. Op. 2. D. 356. L. 20. Thus, it turns out that a conspiracy was being prepared against Sorokin by commanders disloyal to the commander-in-chief, supported by the local party elite. The problem with Sorokin, and with him the entire Soviet government in the North Caucasus, was that there was no strong political leader next to the truly talented military leader Sorokin. Sorokin, on the other hand, was largely provoked by the distrust towards him on the part of the weak party leadership, which was engaged in intrigue and preparing the physical elimination of the objectionable commander.

The case of Sorokin undoubtedly indicates that vestiges of “partisanship” still existed in the Soviet troops. Ordinary Red Army soldiers, and even commanders, were often guided when making decisions by class instinct, revolutionary consciousness, and not by military discipline. The local government was also weak, giving scope for the activities of adventurers, of whom there were a great many - Sorokin and Avtonomov are only the most famous of them. After the murder of Sorokin and the soon following defeat of the Reds in the North Caucasus, I. L. Sorokin was naturally, in the best Russian traditions, chosen as a scapegoat; “Sorokinism” was easy to explain all the defeats.

In fact, Sorokin can be described as a talented commander, a good organizer, and a brave military man. Of course, I. L. Sorokin was a classic product of the revolutionary era, which left its “adventuristic” imprint on him, but it is impossible to reproach him for being “counter-revolutionary.” In addition, to put it bluntly, only Sorokin could resemble at least to some extent the role of the “red Suvorov”, if there was one in the South in 1918. Studying the materials dedicated to Sorokin, it is legitimate to assume that all the actions that Sorokin performed as commander-in-chief were aimed at bringing discipline to the Red troops of the North Caucasus. After all, being a competent military personnel, albeit self-taught, Sorokin understood that it was impossible to defeat the Volunteer Army, which, although inferior in numbers, was still extremely disciplined, in a situation where the Red troops were an undisciplined rabble. In the struggle for autocracy, Sorokin undoubtedly took the criminal path; the end of his adventure was the death of this bright and talented military leader.

Be that as it may, the “Sorokinshchina” seriously weakened the Bolshevik resistance in the North Caucasus, and allowed the volunteers to advance first. Sorokin was popular in the army, and after his death, confusion began at the very top of the army. Puchenkov A. S. Anti-Bolshevik movement in the South and South-West of Russia... Dis. d.i. n. pp. 452-453.

In general, the prominent Red commander S.V. Petrenko, who sympathized with Sorokin, wrote bitter but fair lines dedicated to the memory of the deceased commander-in-chief: ““It’s a pity for the good comrades and workers who died innocently, but it’s also a pity for the absurdly best fighter of the Kuban, Sorokin, who died, our comrades Red Army soldiers say: If Sorokin had turned the nut in his head the other way, there would not have been a better revolutionary in Kuban. It would be better if he died from a cadet’s bullet somewhere in the fields of Kuban, it would be better for him to go to his grave earlier in a red coffin, like an honest fighter, than to now lie in a hole in a Stavropol prison.” Karpov S.D., The mutiny of Commander-in-Chief Sorokin: truth and fiction. - M.: NP Publishing House "Russian Panorama", 2006. P.372. This is probably the best epitaph that could be written on the grave of I. L. Sorokin.