Due to impossibility due to health reasons. Alexander Yakovlev about the State Emergency Committee and the military-Bolshevik putsch that buried the USSR

The main goal of the putschists was to prevent the liquidation of the USSR, which, in their opinion, should have begun on August 20 during the first stage of signing a new union treaty, turning the USSR into a confederation - the Union of Sovereign States. On August 20, the agreement was to be signed by representatives of the RSFSR and the Kazakh SSR, and the remaining future components of the commonwealth during five meetings, until October 22.

On the 20th, we did not allow the signing of a union treaty; we disrupted the signing of this union treaty. — G. I. Yanaev, interview with radio station “Echo of Moscow”

One of the first statements of the State Emergency Committee, disseminated by Soviet radio stations and central television, indicated the following goals, for the implementation of which a state of emergency was introduced in the country:

In order to overcome the deep and comprehensive crisis, political, interethnic and civil confrontation, chaos and anarchy that threaten the life and safety of citizens of the Soviet Union, the sovereignty, territorial integrity, freedom and independence of our Fatherland; based on the results of the national referendum on the preservation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics; guided by the vital interests of the peoples of our Motherland, all Soviet people.

In 2006, the former chairman of the KGB of the USSR Vladimir Kryuchkov stated that the State Emergency Committee did not aim to seize power:

We opposed the signing of a treaty that would destroy the Union. I feel like I was right. I regret that measures were not taken to strictly isolate the President of the USSR, questions were not raised before the Supreme Council about the abdication of the head of state from his post (http://www.encyclopaedia-russia.ru/article.php?id=136).

Opponents of the State Emergency Committee

The resistance to the State Emergency Committee was led by the political leadership of the Russian Federation (President B.N. Yeltsin, Vice-President A.V. Rutskoi, Chairman of the Government I.S. Silaev, Acting Chairman of the Supreme Council R.I. Khasbulatov).

In an address to Russian citizens, Boris Yeltsin On August 19, characterizing the actions of the State Emergency Committee as a coup d’etat, he stated:

We believe that such forceful methods are unacceptable. They discredit the USSR before the whole world, undermine our prestige in the world community, and return us to the era of the Cold War and isolation of the Soviet Union. All this forces us to declare the so-called committee (GKChP) that came to power illegal. Accordingly, we declare all decisions and orders of this committee illegal.

Khasbulatov was on Yeltsin’s side, although 10 years later in an interview with Radio Liberty he said that, like the State Emergency Committee, he was dissatisfied with the draft of the new Union Treaty:

As for the content of the new Union Treaty, in addition to Afanasyev and someone else, I myself was terribly dissatisfied with this content. Yeltsin and I argued a lot - should we go to a meeting on August 20? And finally, I convinced Yeltsin by saying that if we didn’t even go there, if we didn’t form a delegation, it would be perceived as our desire to destroy the Union. There was, after all, a referendum in March on the unity of the Union.

Sixty-three percent, I think, or 61 percent of the population were in favor of preserving the Union. I say: “You and I have no right...”. Therefore, I say: “Let us go, form a delegation, and there we will motivate our comments on the future Union Treaty” (http://www.encyclopaedia-russia.ru/article.php?id=136).

On the role of non-political communities in those Three Days

Independent research centers, civil associations, and charitable foundations suddenly formed a network—what the Americans call a network—and messages, assistance, and resources needed to counter the tanks moved through this network.

This is what Gleb, director of the POSTFACTUM Information Agency, wrote on August 30, 1991 Pavlovsky:

Among these cells of civil society, I cannot help but note those closest to us: the editorial offices of the magazine “The 20th Century and the World” and the weekly magazine “Kommersant”, the Center for Political and Legal Research, the Memorial Society, the Institute for Humanitarian and Political Research and, of course, the publishing house “ Progress".

At the same time, the true role and scope of the long-term programs of the Soviet-American Cultural Initiative Foundation (known to most as the Soros Foundation) was revealed, especially the Civil Society program - the groups it supported were active participants in the Three Days resistance.

Days of confrontation united us in a common effort, the result of which - freedom - is more and more uncertain every day. Freedom as a state is like information: it is open, it is doubtful and dangerous. But this is the risk we actually wanted (http://www.ru-90.ru/node/475).

Western reaction

As a result of the anti-Russian coup d'etat in August-December 1991, the plans of the world behind the scenes were achieved. However, institutions for training and instructing agents of influence are not only not dismantled, but are also turning into an important part of the power structure of the Yeltsin regime, developing for him a kind of directive programs of activity and supplying him with advisers.

A legal public center of this structure called the “Russian House” was opened in the USA, headed by influence agent E. Lozansky, although, of course, all important decisions were made within the walls of the CIA and the leadership of the world behind the scenes.

Confident of final victory, Yeltsin no longer hid his direct connection with subversive anti-Russian organizations such as the American National Contribution to Democracy, to whose leaders he sent a message, which, in particular, said:

We know and appreciate the fact that you contributed to this victory (fax dated August 23, 1991).

The world behind the scenes rejoiced, each of its representatives in their own way, but they all noted the key role of the CIA. US President Bush immediately after the August 1991 coup with full knowledge of the matter and how former CIA director publicly stated that the Yeltsin regime came to power:

Our victory is a victory for the CIA.

Then-CIA Director R. Gates in Moscow, on Red Square, holds his own “victory parade” in front of BBC television cameras, declaring:

Quite naturally, a relationship between master and vassal is established between the CIA and representatives of the Yeltsin regime. For example, in October 1992, R. Gates met with Yeltsin in complete secrecy. Moreover, the latter is not even given the opportunity to use the services of his own translator, who is turned out the door, and the entire translation is carried out by the translator of the CIA director.

Maltese brothers

The world behind the scenes rewards Yeltsin with the title that almost every member of the world Masonic public organization bears - Knight Commander of the Order of Malta. He receives it on November 16, 1991. No longer embarrassed, Yeltsin poses for reporters in full garb of a knight commander.

In August 1992, Yeltsin signed Decree No. 827 “On the restoration of official relations with the Order of Malta” (http://www.lawrussia.ru/texts/legal_213/doc213a408x255.htm). The contents of this decree were kept completely secret for some time. The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs was ordered to sign a protocol on the restoration of official relations between the Russian Federation and the Order of Malta.

Conclusion

Calling the State Emergency Committee a “putsch” or a “coup” is not entirely correct, since it was not intended to break the state system, but on the contrary, measures were proposed to protect the system that exists. This was an “attempt” by a number of senior officials of the state to save the Union from collapse.

On Gorbachev’s part, this was actually a “top action”; the local communists did not receive any instructions about their actions. And this action was carried out to instill fear in society, disperse the CPSU and destroy the Union. The putschists found themselves in the role of “framed up”. They were arrested for the sake of order. But after a while they gave me amnesty.

Attempts by M.S. Gorbachev's plans to take control of the country again encountered resistance from the leaders of the republics. Through the efforts of the putschists, the central government was compromised. In Moscow, the President of the RSFSR B.N. felt like a master. Yeltsin.

The highest body of state power - the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR - on September 5, 1991, announced its self-dissolution and the transfer of power to the State Council, composed of the leaders of the republics. M.S. Gorbachev, as the head of a single state, became superfluous.

On December 8, 1991, in Belovezhskaya Pushcha near Minsk, the leaders of Russia (B.N. Yeltsin), Ukraine (L.M. Kravchuk) and Belarus (S.S. Shushkevich) announced the denunciation of the Union Treaty of 1922, the end of the existence of the USSR and creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The great power ceased to exist. The location of Belaya Vezha was chosen as if not by chance, since it was here on July 3, 964 that the Great Forgotten Victory over the Khazar Kaganate was won.

Historical retreat

Svyatoslav not only crushed the Khazar Khaganate, the top of which adopted Judaism, but also tried to secure the conquered territories for himself. In place of Sarkel, the Russian settlement of Belaya Vezha will appear, Tmutarakan comes under the rule of Kyiv, there is information that Russian troops were in Itil and Semender until the 990s. The Khazar Khaganate was the first state that Ancient Rus' had to face.

The fate of not only the Eastern European tribes, but also many tribes and peoples of Europe and Asia depended on the outcome of the struggle between these two states.

As many researchers note, the destruction of Khazaria, whose leaders professed Judaism and supported it among the subject and surrounding peoples through the dissemination of the same biblical doctrine that was beneficial to their worldview (about it http://inance.ru/2015/07/politsili-koncepciya /), meant breaking the shackles of the most severe oppression - spiritual, which could destroy the foundations of the bright, original spiritual life of the Slavs and other peoples of Eastern Europe.

The Khazar kingdom disappeared like smoke immediately after the elimination of the main conditions for its existence: military superiority over its neighbors and the economic benefits that the possession of the most important trade routes between Asia and Europe brought. Since there were no other grounds for its existence, under the blows of the stronger Russian state it crumbled into its component parts, which later dissolved in the Polovtsian Sea, — concludes historian M.I. Artamonov.

Therefore, it is especially symbolic that in Belaya Vezha, as if in retaliation for that Great Victory of 964, agreements shameful for our country were signed.

December 25, 1991 M.S. Gorbachev resigned as President of the USSR, which meant the end of “Perestroika”.

As a result of the collapse of the USSR - financial and economic scams of the 90s.

J. Soros was the perpetrator of almost all the largest financial and economic scams committed in Russia in the first half of the 90s.

It was he who stood behind Chubais, Gaidar, Burbulis and a number of other newly-minted Russian functionaries during the so-called privatization, as a result of which the overwhelming majority of the property belonging to the Russian people passed into the hands of international financial swindlers.

According to the Chairman of the State Property Committee V. P. Polevanova:

500 largest privatized enterprises in Russia with a real value of at least 200 billion dollars. were sold for next to nothing (about 7.2 billion US dollars) and ended up in the hands of foreign companies and their front structures.

In the mid-90s, the Soros Foundation carried out a number of operations to undermine the Russian economy. According to the Wall Street Journal (1994.10.11.), American financial experts believe that the collapse of the ruble in Russia on the so-called Black Tuesday on October 11, 1994 was the result of the activities of a group of funds headed by Soros.

Attention is drawn to the fact that by the beginning of the summer of 1994, the Soros Foundation acquired shares of Russian enterprises worth $10 million. At the end of August - beginning of September, Soros, waiting for the stock price to rise, sold them. According to experts, he made a profit equivalent to $400 million from this operation. At the end of September, the Soros Foundation began purchasing dollars for rubles, which, according to American experts, caused a rapid rise in the exchange rate of the US dollar and a rapid fall in the ruble, the collapse of the financial system and the rapid ruin of many Russian enterprises.

“FAVORITES” OF THE WORLD BACKSTAGE

Opinions of event participants

In 2008, Mikhail Gorbachev commented on the situation in August 1991 as follows:

I regret it now - I shouldn’t have left. Error, yes, I already said that. Just as it was a mistake that I did not send Yeltsin forever somewhere in the country to procure banana products. After known processes. When the plenum demanded that he be expelled from the Central Committee membership. Some of the party demanded to be expelled for what he had started.

Member of the State Emergency Committee, marshal Dmitry Yazov in 2001 spoke about the impossibility of managing public opinion in 1991:

I would not call the events of 1991 a putsch for the reason that there was no putsch. There was a desire by a certain group of people, the leadership of a certain former Soviet Union, aimed at preserving the Soviet Union as a state by any means. This was the main goal of these people. None of them pursued any selfish goals, no one shared portfolios of power. One goal is to preserve the Soviet Union.(http://www.encyclopaedia-russia.ru/article.php?id=136).

conclusions

It should be noted that all participants in the events are from the same managerial “elite”, which had the abbreviation of the Central Committee of the CPSU, which many reveal as the Central Committee of the Capitulatory Party of Self-Liquidation of Socialism. Perhaps, if not they themselves, then their “puppeteers” simply agreed who would rule in the new conditions, and who, after a short stay in prison, should go to a well-deserved rest, having previously secured for themselves the aura of “sufferers for the people’s happiness”, and the “puppeteers” - the possibility of a legitimate return to the “socialist” policy scenario in the future.

After all, if after Yeltsin’s victory the lawyers substantiated the illegality of the State Emergency Committee, then, if necessary, another team of lawyers will no less strictly justify the fact of high treason by Gorbachev and his associates and, accordingly, the competence and legality of the State Emergency Committee, whose guilt in this case will consist only in the fact that they have not achieved success and such figures and scenarios are already being tried to promote.

And if you remember about conceptual power and the fact that any legislation is a line of defense on which one concept protects itself from the implementation in the same society of another concept that is fundamentally incompatible with it. In a conceptually undefined society, such as the USSR was in the last years of its existence, mutually exclusive concepts were expressed in the same legislation. That is why, on its basis, having been conceptually defined, it is possible to legally flawlessly substantiate an indictment against Gorbachev, and against the State Emergency Committee, and against Yeltsin and the team of reformers of the “Gaidar-Chernomyrdin” era.

The August “putsch” was one of those events that marked the end of the power of the CPSU and the collapse of the USSR and, according to the widespread opinion of liberals, gave impetus to democratic changes in Russia.

On the other hand, supporters of preserving the Soviet Union argue that the country began to be in chaos due to the inconsistent policies of the then government.

The dashing 90s came, during which many negative matrix scenarios regarding Russia were discharged and now the process of Russia gaining conceptual certainty is becoming more and more clear (http://inance.ru/2015/07/bolshevizm/). And this is a phenomenon of global significance.

Youth Analytical Group

Sometimes you think what would have happened if the State Emergency Committee had won? Although, probably, it was all too late, and everything was in vain. So, several documents from the State Emergency Committee.

DECREE OF THE VICE PRESIDENT OF THE USSR

Due to the impossibility for health reasons, Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev assumed the duties of President of the USSR on the basis of Article 127/7 of the USSR Constitution on August 19, 1991.

Vice-President of the USSR G.I. YANAEV.

STATEMENT OF THE SOVIET LEADERS

Due to the impossibility for health reasons of Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev to fulfill the duties of the President of the USSR and the transfer, in accordance with Article 1277 of the USSR Constitution, of the powers of the President of the USSR to the Vice President of the USSR Gennady Ivanovich Yanaev:

Pravda newspaper, August 21, 1991

in order to overcome the deep and comprehensive crisis of political, interethnic and civil confrontation, chaos and anarchy that threaten the life and safety of citizens of the Soviet Union, the sovereignty, territorial integrity, freedom and independence of our Fatherland;

based on the results of the national referendum on the preservation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics; Guided by the vital interests of the peoples of our Motherland, all Soviet people, we declare:

In accordance with Article 1273 of the Constitution of the USSR and Article 2 of the Law of the USSR "On the Legal Regime of a State of Emergency", and meeting the demands of broad sections of the population about the need to take the most decisive measures to prevent society from sliding into a national catastrophe, to ensure law and order, introduce a state of emergency in in certain areas of the USSR for a period of 6 months from 4 o'clock Moscow time on August 19, 1991.

Establish that throughout the entire territory of the USSR the Constitution of the USSR and the laws of the USSR have unconditional supremacy.

To govern the country and effectively implement the state of emergency, form the State Committee for the State of Emergency in the USSR (GKChP USSR) with the following composition: Baklanov O. D. - First Deputy Chairman of the Defense Council of the USSR, Kryuchkov V. A. - Chairman of the KGB of the USSR, Pavlov V. S. - Prime Minister of the USSR, Pugo B.K. - Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR, Starodubtsev V.A. - Chairman of the Peasant Union of the USSR, Tizyakov A.I. - President of the Association of State Enterprises and Facilities of Industry, Construction, Transport and Communications USSR, Yazov D.T. - Minister of Defense of the USSR, Yanaev G.I. - and Fr. President of the USSR.

Establish that decisions of the State Emergency Committee of the USSR are binding for strict execution by all government and administrative bodies, officials and citizens throughout the territory of the USSR.

G. YANAEV, V. PAVLOV, O. BAKLANOV.

"Time" information program

ADDRESS TO THE SOVIET PEOPLE

Compatriots! Citizens of the Soviet Union!

In a difficult, critical hour for the fate of the Fatherland and our peoples, we turn to you! A mortal danger looms over our great Motherland! The policy of reforms launched on the initiative of M. S. Gorbachev, conceived as a means of ensuring the dynamic development of the country and democratization of public life, has reached a dead end for a number of reasons. The initial enthusiasm and hopes were replaced by unbelief, apathy and despair. The authorities at all levels have lost the trust of the population. Politics has crowded out concern for the fate of the Fatherland and the citizen from public life. Evil mockery of all state institutions is being instilled. The country essentially became ungovernable. Taking advantage of the freedoms granted, trampling on the newly emerging sprouts of democracy, extremist forces arose that set a course for the liquidation of the Soviet Union, the collapse of the state and the seizure of power at any cost.

Not everyone understands the horror of what is happening. Photo AP/Reuters/Scanpix

The results of the national referendum on the unity of the Fatherland have been trampled. Cynical speculation on national feelings is just a screen for satisfying ambitions. Neither the present troubles of their peoples nor their tomorrows bother political adventurers. By creating a climate of moral and political terror and trying to hide behind the shield of popular trust, they forget that the ties they condemned and severed were established on the basis of much broader popular support, which has also passed the test of centuries of history. Today, those who are essentially leading the effort to overthrow the constitutional order must answer to their mothers and fathers for the deaths of many hundreds of victims of interethnic conflicts. They are responsible for the crippled fates of more than half a million refugees. Because of them, tens of millions of Soviet people, who only yesterday lived in a single family, lost peace and joy in life, and today find themselves outcasts in their own home. What the social system should be like should be decided by the people, and they are trying to deprive them of this right.

Instead of caring about the safety and well-being of every citizen and the entire society, often the people in whose hands the power is, use it in interests alien to the people, as a means of unprincipled self-affirmation. Streams of words, mountains of statements and promises only emphasize the poverty and wretchedness of practical affairs.Inflation of power is more terrible than any other, destroying our state and society. Every citizen feels growing uncertainty about the future and deep anxiety for the future of their children.

The power crisis had a catastrophic impact on the economy. The chaotic, spontaneous slide towards the market caused an explosion of egoism: regional, departmental, group and personal. The war of laws and the encouragement of centrifugal tendencies resulted in the destruction of a single national economic mechanism that had been taking shape for decades. The result was a sharp drop in the standard of living of the vast majority of Soviet people, and the flourishing of speculation and the shadow economy. It’s high time to tell people the truth; if urgent and decisive measures are not taken to stabilize the economy, then famine and a new round of impoverishment are inevitable in the very near future. from which it is one step to mass manifestations of spontaneous discontent with devastating consequences. Only irresponsible people can hope for some help from abroad. No amount of handouts will solve our problems; salvation is in our own hands. The time has come to measure the authority of each person or organization by its real contribution to the restoration and development of the national economy.

For many years, from all sides we have been hearing incantations about commitment to the interests of the individual, concern for his rights, and social security. In reality, the person found himself humiliated, denied real rights and opportunities, and driven to despair.

There is an attack on workers' rights. The rights to work, education, health care, housing, and recreation are called into question.

Even the basic personal safety of people is increasingly under threat. Crime is growing rapidly, organized and politicized. The country is plunging into the abyss of violence and lawlessness. Never in the history of the country has propaganda of sex and violence been on such a scale, threatening the health and lives of future generations. Millions of people are demanding action against the octopus of crime and gross immorality.

The deepening destabilization of the political and economic situation in the Soviet Union is undermining our position in the world. In some places, notes of revanchism were heard, and demands were being made to revise our borders. There are even voices about the dismemberment of the Soviet Union and the possibility of establishing international trusteeship over individual objects and regions of the country. This is the sad reality. Just yesterday, a Soviet person who found himself abroad felt like a worthy citizen of an influential and respected state. Nowadays he is often a second-class foreigner, whose treatment bears the stamp of disdain or sympathy.

The pride and honor of the Soviet people must be restored in full.The State Committee for the State of Emergency in the USSR is fully aware of the depth of the crisis that has struck our country, it accepts responsibility for the fate of the Motherland and is determined to take the most serious measures to bring the state and society out of the crisis as quickly as possible.

We promise to hold a broad national discussion of the draft new Union Treaty. Everyone will have the right and opportunity in a calm environment to reflect on this most important act and make a decision on it. For the fate of numerous peoples of our great Motherland will depend on what the Union becomes.

We intend to immediately restore law and order, put an end to the bloodshed, declare a merciless war on the criminal world, and eradicate shameful phenomena that discredit our society and humiliate Soviet citizens. We will clear the streets of our cities from criminal elements and put an end to the tyranny of the plunderers of people's property.

We stand for truly democratic processes, for a consistent policy of reforms leading to the renewal of our Motherland, to its economic and social prosperity, which will allow it to take its rightful place in the world community of nations.

The country's development should not be based on a decline in the living standards of the population. In a healthy society, continuous improvement in the well-being of all citizens will become the norm.

While we remain committed to strengthening and protecting individual rights, we will focus on protecting the interests of the broadest segments of the population, those hit hardest by inflation, industrial disruption, corruption and crime.

By developing the multi-structure nature of the national economy, we will also support private enterprise, providing it with the necessary opportunities for the development of production and the service sector.
Our first priority will be to solve food and housing problems. All available forces will be mobilized to meet these most pressing needs of the people.

We call on the workers, peasants, labor intelligentsia, and all Soviet people to restore labor discipline and order as soon as possible, raise the level of production, and then move forward decisively. Our lives and the future of our children and grandchildren, the fate of the Fatherland depend on this.

We are a peace-loving country and will strictly comply with all our obligations. We have no claims against anyone. We want to live with everyone in peace and friendship. But we firmly declare that no one will ever be allowed to encroach on our sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. Any attempts to speak with our country in the language of dictatorship, no matter who they come from, will be resolutely suppressed.

Our multinational people have lived for centuries filled with pride in their Motherland; we were not ashamed of our patriotic feelings and consider it natural and legitimate to raise the current and future generations of citizens of our great power in this spirit.

To fail to act at this critical hour for the fate of the Fatherland means to take on heavy responsibility for tragic, truly unpredictable consequences. Everyone who cherishes our Motherland, who wants to live and work in an atmosphere of calm and confidence, who does not accept the continuation of bloody interethnic conflicts, who sees their Fatherland in the future as independent and prosperous, must make the only right choice. We call on all true patriots and people of good will to put an end to the current time of troubles.

We call on all citizens of the Soviet Union to realize their duty to the Motherland and provide full support to the State Committee for the State of Emergency in the USSR and efforts to bring the country out of the crisis.

Constructive proposals from socio-political organizations, labor collectives and citizens will be gratefully accepted as a manifestation of their patriotic readiness to actively participate in the restoration of centuries-old friendship in a single family of fraternal peoples and the revival of the Fatherland.

Before our eyes, all democratic institutions created by the people's will are losing their weight and effectiveness. This is the result of the deliberate actions of those who, by grossly flouting the Basic Law of the USSR, are actually committing an anti-constitutional coup and are reaching for an unbridled personal dictatorship. Prefectures, mayor's offices and other illegal structures are increasingly replacing the Soviets elected by the people.

Also worth reading:

Vice President of the USSR

Due to the impossibility for health reasons, Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev assumed the duties of President of the USSR on the basis of Article 127/7 of the USSR Constitution on August 19, 1991.

Vice-President of the USSR G.I.YANAEV.

STATEMENT OF THE SOVIET LEADERS

Due to health reasons, it was impossible for Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev to fulfill the duties of the President of the USSR and the transfer, in accordance with Article 127/7 of the USSR Constitution, of the powers of the President of the USSR to the Vice-President of the USSR Gennady Ivanovich Yanaev;

Based on the results of the national referendum on the preservation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics;

Guided by the vital interests of the peoples of our Motherland, all Soviet people, we declare:

1. In accordance with Article 127/3 of the Constitution of the USSR and Article 2 of the USSR Law “On the Legal Regime of a State of Emergency”, and meeting the demands of broad sections of the population about the need to take the most decisive measures to prevent society from sliding into a national catastrophe, to ensure law and order, introduce a state of emergency in certain areas of the USSR for a period of 6 months from 4 o'clock Moscow time on August 19, 1991.

2. Establish that throughout the entire territory of the USSR the Constitution of the USSR and the laws of the USSR have unconditional supremacy.

3. To govern the country and effectively implement the state of emergency, form the State Committee for the State of Emergency in the USSR (GKChP USSR) with the following composition:

Baklanov O.D. - First Deputy Chairman of the USSR Defense Council,

Kryuchkov V.A. - Chairman of the KGB of the USSR,

Pavlov V.S. - Prime Minister of the USSR,

Pugo B.K. - Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR,

Starodubtsev V.A. - Chairman of the Peasant Union of the USSR,

Tizyakov A.I. - President of the Association of State Enterprises and Industrial, Construction, Transport and Communications Facilities of the USSR,

Yazov D.T. - Minister of Defense of the USSR,

Yanaev G.I. - and about. President of the USSR.

4. Establish that decisions of the State Emergency Committee of the USSR are mandatory for strict execution by all government and administrative bodies, officials and citizens throughout the territory of the USSR.

G. YANAEV, V. PAVLOV, O. BACLANOV.

ADDRESS TO THE SOVIET PEOPLE

Compatriots!

Citizens of the Soviet Union!

In a difficult, critical hour for the fate of the Fatherland and our peoples, we turn to you! A mortal danger looms over our great Motherland!

Started on the initiative of M.S. Gorbachev's reform policy, conceived as a means of ensuring the country's dynamic development and democratization of public life, for a number of reasons reached a dead end. The initial enthusiasm and hopes were replaced by unbelief, apathy and despair.

The authorities at all levels have lost the trust of the population. Politics has crowded out concern for the fate of the Fatherland and the citizen from public life. Evil mockery of all state institutions is being instilled. The country has essentially become ungovernable.

Taking advantage of the freedoms granted, trampling on the newly emerging sprouts of democracy, extremist forces emerged that set a course for the liquidation of the Soviet Union, the collapse of the state and the seizure of power at any cost. The results of the national referendum on the unity of the Fatherland have been trampled.

Cynical speculation on “national feelings” is just a screen for satisfying ambitions. Neither the present troubles of their peoples nor their tomorrows bother political adventurers.

By creating a climate of moral and political terror and trying to hide behind the shield of popular trust, they forget that the ties they condemned and severed were established on the basis of much broader popular support, which has also passed the test of centuries of history.

Today, those who are essentially leading the effort to overthrow the constitutional order must answer to their mothers and fathers for the deaths of many hundreds of victims of interethnic conflicts. They are responsible for the crippled fates of more than half a million refugees.

Because of them, tens of millions of Soviet people, who only yesterday lived in a single family, lost peace and joy in life, and today find themselves outcasts in their own home. What the social system should be like should be decided by the people, and they are trying to deprive them of this right.

Streams of words, mountains of statements and promises only emphasize the poverty and wretchedness of practical affairs. Inflation of power is more terrible than any other, destroying our state and society. Every citizen feels growing uncertainty about the future and deep anxiety for the future of their children.

The result was a sharp drop in the standard of living of the vast majority of Soviet people, and the flourishing of speculation and the shadow economy. It’s high time to tell people the truth: if urgent and decisive measures are not taken to stabilize the economy, then famine and a new round of impoverishment are inevitable in the very near future. from which it is one step to mass manifestations of spontaneous discontent with devastating consequences.

Only irresponsible people can hope for some help from abroad. No amount of handouts will solve our problems; salvation is in our own hands. The time has come to measure the authority of each person or organization by its real contribution to the restoration and development of the national economy.

There is an attack on workers' rights. The rights to work, education, health care, housing, and recreation are called into question.

Even the basic personal safety of people is increasingly under threat.

Crime is growing rapidly, organized and politicized. The country is plunging into the abyss of violence and lawlessness. Never in the history of the country has propaganda of sex and violence been on such a scale, threatening the health and lives of future generations.

Millions of people are demanding action against the octopus of crime and gross immorality.

Just yesterday, a Soviet person who found himself abroad felt like a worthy citizen of an influential and respected state. Nowadays he is often a second-class foreigner, whose treatment bears the stamp of disdain or sympathy.

The pride and honor of the Soviet people must be restored in full.

The State Committee for the State of Emergency in the USSR is fully aware of the depth of the crisis that has struck our country, it accepts responsibility for the fate of the Motherland and is determined to take the most serious measures to bring the state and society out of the crisis as quickly as possible.

We promise to hold a broad national discussion of the draft new Union Treaty. Everyone will have the right and opportunity in a calm environment to reflect on this most important act and make a decision on it. for the fate of numerous peoples of our great Motherland will depend on what the Union becomes.

The country's development should not be built on a decline in the living standards of the population. In a healthy society, constant improvement in the well-being of all citizens will become the norm.

While we remain committed to strengthening and protecting individual rights, we will focus on protecting the interests of the broadest segments of the population, those hit hardest by inflation, industrial disruption, corruption and crime.

Our first priority will be to solve food and housing problems. All available forces will be mobilized to meet these most pressing needs of the people.

Any attempts to speak with our country in the language of dictatorship, no matter who they come from, will be resolutely suppressed.

Our multinational people have lived for centuries filled with pride in their Motherland; we were not ashamed of our patriotic feelings and consider it natural and legitimate to raise the current and future generations of citizens of our great power in this spirit.

We call on all true patriots and people of good will to put an end to the current time of troubles.

State Committee for the State of Emergency in the USSR.

"Fontanka.ru"

_________________________________

From the site editor.

Formation of the State Emergency Committee

Preparing to create a committee

From the “Conclusion on the materials of the investigation into the role and participation of USSR KGB officials in the events of August 19-21, 1991”:

Members of the Emergency Committee

Yanaev Gennady Ivanovich (1937-2010) - Vice-President of the USSR, Acting President of the USSR (August 18 - 21, 1991), member of the CPSU Central Committee. - Chairman of the State Emergency Committee

Baklanov Oleg Dmitrievich (b. 1932) - First Deputy Chairman of the USSR Defense Council, member of the CPSU Central Committee.

(1924-2007) - Chairman of the KGB of the USSR, member of the CPSU Central Committee.

Pavlov Valentin Sergeevich (1937-2003) - Prime Minister of the USSR, member of the CPSU Central Committee.

Pugo Boris Karlovich (1937-1991) - Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR, member of the CPSU Central Committee.

(1931-2011) - Chairman of the Peasant Union of the USSR, member of the CPSU Central Committee.

Tizyakov Alexander Ivanovich (b. 1926) - President of the Association of State Enterprises and Industrial, Construction, Transport and Communications Facilities of the USSR.

Yazov Dmitry Timofeevich (b. 1924) - Minister of Defense of the USSR, member of the CPSU Central Committee.

Political positions of the State Emergency Committee

In its first appeal, the State Emergency Committee assessed the general mood in the country as very skeptical towards the new political course of dismantling the highly centralized federal structure of governing the country, the one-party political system and state regulation of the economy, and condemned the negative phenomena that the new course, according to the drafters, caused life, such as speculation and the shadow economy, proclaimed that “the development of the country cannot be built on the decline in the living standards of the population” and promised a strict restoration of order in the country and a solution to basic economic problems, without, however, mentioning specific measures.

Television announcement about the creation of the State Emergency Committee

Official Statement of the State Emergency Committee

Due to the impossibility for health reasons of Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev to fulfill the duties of the President of the USSR and the transfer, in accordance with Article 127/7 of the USSR Constitution, the powers of the President of the USSR to the Vice-President of the USSR Gennady Ivanovich Yanaev.

In order to overcome the deep and comprehensive crisis, political, interethnic, civil confrontation, chaos and anarchy that threaten the life and safety of citizens of the Soviet Union, sovereignty, territorial integrity, freedom and independence of our state.

2. Establish that throughout the entire territory of the USSR, the Constitution of the USSR and the Laws of the USSR have unconditional leadership.

3. To govern the country and effectively implement the state of emergency, form "State Committee on the State of Emergency" in the USSR (GKChP USSR), in the following composition:

Baklanov Oleg Dmitrievich - First Deputy Chairman of the USSR Defense Council;

Kryuchkov Vladimir Aleksandrovich - Chairman of the KGB of the USSR;

Pavlov Valentin Sergeevich - Prime Minister of the USSR, Cabinet of Ministers of the USSR;

Pugo Boris Karlovich - Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs;

Starodubtsev Vasily Aleksandrovich - Chairman of the Peasant Union of the USSR;

Tizyakov Alexander Ivanovich - President of the Association of State Enterprises and Industrial, Construction, Transport and Communications Facilities;

Yazov Dmitry Timofeevich - Minister of Defense of the USSR Ministry of Defense of the USSR;

Yanaev Gennady Ivanovich - Vice-President of the USSR, Acting President of the USSR.

4. Establish that decisions of the State Emergency Committee of the USSR are mandatory for strict execution by all government and administrative bodies, officials and citizens throughout the territory of the USSR.
Signature: Yanaev, Pavlov, Baklanov.

In difficult, critical times for the fate of the fatherland and our peoples, we turn to you.

A mortal danger looms over our great homeland. The reform policy launched on the initiative of M. S. Gorbachev, conceived as a means of ensuring the dynamic development of the country and democratization of public life, for various reasons, has reached a dead end.

The initial enthusiasm and hopes were replaced by unbelief, apathy and despair. The authorities at all levels have lost the trust of the population. Politics has crowded out concern for the fate of the fatherland and the citizen from public life. Evil mockery of all state institutions is being instilled. The country has essentially become ungovernable.

Taking advantage of the freedoms granted, trampling on the newly emerging sprouts of democracy, extremist forces arose, heading for the liquidation of the Soviet Union, the collapse of the state and the seizure of power at any cost.

The results of the national referendum on the unity of the fatherland have been trampled.

Cynical speculation on national feelings is just a screen for satisfying ambitions. Neither the present troubles of their peoples nor their tomorrows bother political adventurers. The power crisis had a catastrophic impact on the economy. The chaotic, spontaneous slide towards the market caused an explosion of regional, departmental, group and personal egoism.

The war of laws and the encouragement of centrifugal tendencies resulted in the destruction of a single national economic mechanism that had been developing for decades. The result was a sharp drop in the standard of living of the vast majority of Soviet people, and the flourishing of speculation and the shadow economy.

It’s high time to tell people the truth: if you don’t take urgent and decisive measures to stabilize the economy, then, in the very near future, famine and a new round of impoverishment are inevitable, from which it is one step to mass manifestations of spontaneous discontent with devastating consequences. Only irresponsible people can hope for some help from abroad. No amount of handouts will solve our problems - salvation is in our own hands.

The time has come to measure the authority of each person or organization by its real contribution to the restoration and development of the national economy. The deepening destabilization of the political and economic situation in the Soviet Union is undermining our position in the world; Here and there notes of revenge were heard. Demands are being made to revise our borders. There are even voices about the dismemberment of the Soviet Union and the possibility of establishing international trusteeship over individual objects and regions of the country. This is the sad reality.

The State Committee for the State of Emergency” in the USSR is fully aware of the depth of the crisis that has struck our country. He accepts responsibility for the fate of the Motherland, and is determined to take the most serious measures to quickly bring the state and society out of the crisis. We promise to hold a broad national discussion of the draft new union treaty, immediately restore law and order, put an end to the bloodshed, declare a merciless war on the criminal world, and put an end to the tyranny of the plunderers of people's property.

We stand for truly democratic processes, for a consistent policy of reforms leading to the economic and social prosperity of our Motherland.

In a healthy society, continuous improvement in the well-being of all citizens will become the norm. We will focus on protecting the interests of the broadest segments of the population. By developing the multi-structured nature of the national economy, we will also support private entrepreneurship. Our first priority will be to solve food and housing problems.

We call on all Soviet people to restore labor discipline and order as soon as possible, to raise the level of production, so that we can decisively move forward - our lives and the fate of the fatherland depend on this.

We are a peace-loving country and will strictly comply with all our obligations, but no one will ever be allowed to encroach on our sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity.

We call on all true patriots, people of good will to put an end to the current troubled times, realize their duty to the Motherland and provide full support to the efforts to bring the country out of the crisis.

Official Resolution No. 1 (GKChP)

On August 19, 1991, in continuation of the information program “Time”, the announcer of the central television, Vera Shebeko, read out the official First Resolution of the State Emergency Committee of the USSR:

In order to protect the vital interests of the peoples and citizens of the USSR Union, the independence and territorial integrity of the country, restore law and order, stabilize the situation, overcome a severe crisis, prevent chaos, anarchy, and fratricidal civil war. The State Committee for the State of Emergency (GKChP) decides:
1. All authorities and management bodies of the USSR, union and autonomous republics, territories, regions, cities, districts, towns and villages must ensure strict compliance with the state of emergency regime, in accordance with the Law of the USSR on the legal regime of a state of emergency and the resolutions of the State Emergency Committee of the USSR. In case of failure to ensure the implementation of this regime, the powers of the relevant authorities and management are suspended, and the implementation of their functions is entrusted to persons specially authorized by the State Emergency Committee of the USSR.

2. Immediately disband the structures of power and control, paramilitary forces operating contrary to the Constitution of the USSR.

4. Suspend the activities of political parties, public organizations and mass movements that impede the normalization of the situation.

5. Due to the fact that the State Committee for a State of Emergency (GKChP) in the USSR temporarily takes over the functions of the USSR Security Council, the activities of the latter are suspended.

6. Citizens, institutions and organizations must immediately hand over all types of firearms, ammunition, explosives, military equipment and equipment that are illegally in their possession. The USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs, the KGB and the USSR Ministry of Defense must ensure strict compliance with this requirement. In case of refusal to confiscate them forcibly, with the violators subject to strict criminal and administrative liability.

In the government White House, B. N. Yeltsin refuses to cooperate with the State Emergency Committee and decides not to submit to the actions of the State Emergency Committee, calling their actions unconstitutional. The leadership of the State Emergency Committee sends a tank battalion of the 1st motorized rifle regiment of the 2nd Taman division under the command of Chief of Staff Sergei Evdokimov to the building.

Liquidation of the State Emergency Committee and arrest

On the night of August 20, the first clash between the army and demonstrators takes place in Moscow; three demonstrators died. On the morning of August 21, the Minister of Defense of the USSR D.T. Yazov gives the order to his military leaders and commanders to withdraw all units from Moscow to places of permanent deployment and lift the blockade of the White House. At 9:00 at a meeting with I. O. President of the USSR G.I. Yanaev, it was decided to send a delegation to Foros to M.S. Gorbachev consisting of: Luktyanov, Yazov, Ivashko and Kryuchkov

Those arrested were placed in the Matrosskaya Tishina prison, where they remained until 1994, when they were released under a State Duma amnesty.

"Accomplices" and "sympathizers"

After the failure of the August putsch, in addition to members of the State Emergency Committee, some people were prosecuted and taken into custody, who, according to the investigation, actively assisted the State Emergency Committee. Among the “accomplices” were:

Ageev Geniy Evgenievich - Colonel General, First Deputy Chairman of the KGB of the USSR.

Akhromeev Sergey Fedorovich - Marshal of the Soviet Union, adviser to the chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, adviser to the chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, adviser to President of the USSR M. S. Gorbachev on military affairs.

Boldin Valery Ivanovich - head of the General Department of the CPSU Central Committee.

Varennikov Valentin Ivanovich - Army General, Commander-in-Chief of the Ground Forces, Deputy Minister of Defense of the USSR.

Generalov Vyacheslav Vladimirovich - head of security at Gorbachev’s residence in Foros

Anatoly Ivanovich Lukyanov (born 1930) - Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR; his address was broadcast on TV and radio along with the main documents of the State Emergency Committee.

Medvedev Vladimir Timofeevich - Major General, head of Gorbachev's security.

Makashov Albert Mikhailovich - commander of the Volga-Ural Military District

Shenin Oleg Semenovich - member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee.

Prokofiev Yuri Anatolyevich - member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, 1st Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU.

Ryzhkov Nikolai Ivanovich - Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR

Kalinin Nikolai Vasilievich - commander of the Moscow Military District, military commandant from the State Emergency Committee in Moscow.

Nikolai Efimovich Kruchina - manager of the affairs of the CPSU Central Committee.

Grushko Viktor Fedorovich - First Deputy Chairman of the KGB of the USSR

All of them were released under an amnesty in 1994.

According to the memoirs of Yu. A. Prokofiev, the Secretary of the Central Committee Yu. A. Manaenkov took part in preparing the decisions of the State Emergency Committee and communicating them to government bodies, who, however, was not later held accountable.

The leaders of the republican authorities in most cases did not enter into open confrontation with the State Emergency Committee, but sabotaged its actions. Open support for the State Emergency Committee was expressed by the Chairman of the Supreme Council of Belarus N. I. Dementey, the 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine S. I. Gurenko and the 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Azerbaijan SSR, President of Azerbaijan Ayaz Niyazi oglu Mutalibov, and the leaders of Russia declared themselves opponents of the State Emergency Committee - B. N. Yeltsin and Kyrgyzstan - A. A. Akaev. In the Baltic countries, the leadership of the Communist Party of Lithuania (CPSU) (M. Burokevičius), the Communist Party of Latvia (A. Rubiks), and the Intermovement of Estonia (E. Kogan), which had lost power by that time, came out in support of the State Emergency Committee.

After the August events

The Russian leadership, which led the fight against the State Emergency Committee, ensured the political victory of the supreme bodies of Russia over the Union Center. Since the fall of 1991, the Constitution and laws of the RSFSR, the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, as well as the President of the RSFSR received full supremacy over the laws of the USSR on Russian territory. With rare exceptions, the heads of regional authorities of the RSFSR who supported the State Emergency Committee were removed from office.

On December 8, 1991, the presidents of the three founding states of the USSR B.N. Yeltsin, L.M. Kravchuk and S.S. Shushkevich, despite the decision of the all-Union referendum to preserve the USSR, signed the Belovezhskaya Agreement on the termination of the activities of the USSR and the creation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). On December 25, 1991, Gorbachev officially resigned as President of the USSR.

On December 26, 1991, the USSR officially ceased to exist. In its place, a number of independent states emerged (currently - 19, of which 15 are members of the UN, 2 are partially recognized by UN member countries, and 2 are not recognized by any UN member country). As a result of the collapse of the USSR, the territory of Russia (the successor country of the USSR in terms of external assets and liabilities, and in the UN) decreased compared to the territory of the USSR by 24% (from 22.4 to 17 million km²), and the population decreased by 49% (from 290 to 148 million people) (while the territory of Russia has remained virtually unchanged compared to the territory of the RSFSR). The ruble zone and the unified Armed Forces of the USSR collapsed (in their place, the CSTO was created, except for the three Baltic republics, Moldova, Ukraine and subsequently Georgia, Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan).

Shooting and dispersal of Parliament 1993

Opinion of former participants of the State Emergency Committee

Referring to the memoirs of the 1st Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU Yuri Prokofiev. Gorbachev himself claims that only practical steps were being prepared to implement the USSR Law “On the Legal Regime of a State of Emergency,” which did not involve unconstitutional actions, and that he never gave consent to the introduction of a state of emergency.

Representation in art

see also

Literature

Resolutions No. 1 and No. 2 of the State Committee for the State of Emergency in the USSR

memoirs
A. S. Chernyaev“Diaries of A. S. Chernyaev. Soviet policy 1972-1991 - a look from the inside"

G. I. Yanaev“GKChP against Gorbachev” - M.: Eksmo, 2010. - 240 p. - (The Court of History), ISBN 978-5-699-43860-0

A. I. Lukyanov“August '91. Was there a conspiracy? (2010; publishers: Eksmo, Algorithm)

Links

Chronicle: ,

Why the State Emergency Committee lost (excerpt from the book by A. Baigushev)