Who elected Boris Godunov to reign. Board of Boris Godunov

On January 7, 1598, the last representative of the Rurik dynasty died without leaving an heir. Thus, Kalita’s male line was cut short. Of his female branch, only the daughter of Vladimir Staritsky, the widow of Duke Magnus Maria, remained alive. However, she was tonsured a nun. Fyodor’s wife Irina had a real opportunity to reign.

To avoid an interregnum, they hastened to swear allegiance to Irina. There are versions, based on the stories of contemporaries, that Fedor transferred the power to her before his death; and vice versa, to the question of the patriarch and boyars to whom the kingdom would order, the dying Fedor answered: “God is free in the whole kingdom: as He pleases, so it will be.”

Irina officially led the country for just over a month (January 7 – February 17), but did not want to rule. On January 15, she took monastic vows at the Novodevichy Convent under the name of Alexandra and officially began to be called the Empress Queen Nun. 2

When Irina went to the monastery, the best speaker, clerk Vasily Shchelkanov, came out to the people gathered in the Kremlin and demanded an oath in the name of the Boyar Duma. The attempt to introduce boyar rule in the country did not meet with popular support. People expressed strong disagreement.

Godunov managed to move the question of his candidacy for the throne from the slippery ground of struggle and agreement among court circles to the discussion of the council of all ranks of the state.

He understood perfectly well that for full recognition by the people he needed more serious reasons. Some influential boyars considered the Boyar Duma a competent enough institution to elect a tsar. But, according to Tatishchev, the boyars really wanted to limit the power of the new tsar in their favor. Boris, wanting to avoid this, pinned his hopes on the Zemsky Sobor in the confidence that at it the common people would force the boyars to elect him without any restrictions. Thus, it remained to convene the Zemsky Sobor. Patriarch Job immediately began preparations.

There were three contenders for the crown: Boris Godunov, the Tsar's brother-in-law, the de facto ruler in the last decade of Tsar Feodor's reign; Prince Fyodor Mstislavsky, senior member of the Boyar Duma, whose grandmother was a cousin of Ivan the Terrible; and boyar Fyodor Nikitich Romanov, cousin of Fyodor Ivanovich.

There was another contender - Simeon Bekbulatovich. Godunov’s rivals, foreseeing Boris’s victory at the Zemsky Sobor, began to look for a representative of the rights to the throne, independent of the “multi-rebellious human will.” In this sense, the curious candidacy of Simeon Bekbulatovich flashed by, who, according to Grozny’s fantasy, sat on the great reign of all Rus' during the days of the oprichnina. But the oprichnina past could not give him widespread support among the people, and there were few supporters among the noble class.

Officially, Boris did not take part in the election campaign at all. His relatives and friends worked for him. Having retired to a monastery, he placed himself above the political struggle in the role of an indispensable leader.

On February 17, 1598, the Zemsky Sobor was assembled in the Assumption Cathedral, which had one task - to elect a new king. Its initiator was officially considered to be the patriarch and the boyar duma.

Researchers have no consensus either on the composition of the council or on the legality of its decisions. Thus, Kostomarov believed that his decisions were rigged, and the cathedral itself was not legal: “Borisov’s accomplices went to cities to help so that people who support Boris would come to Moscow... This cathedral was arranged in advance in the spirit of Boris.” R.G. Skrynnikov also claims that only supporters of Boris, the boyars Godunovs, and their relatives, the Saburovs and Velyaminovs, were invited to the cathedral. Consequently, the council, convened by the head of the church against the will of the Duma, was not competent.

S.F. Platonov fully trusts all the decisions of the Council and, through careful analysis, comes to the following conclusions:

1) The cathedral of 1598 consisted mainly of Moscow service people. There were no more than 50 elected officials from other cities. This situation was traditional for Moscow cathedrals, and was not a consequence of Boris’s intrigues.

2) At the cathedral there were very few representatives of ordinary nobles, in whom they were accustomed to seeing Boris’s main support. Court officials and Moscow nobles - the more aristocratic strata of the nobility - were represented quite vividly. It is believed that these layers were opponents of Boris.

The leading role at the council was played by Patriarch Job.

There were several reasons for Boris's accession to the throne. First of all, after centuries of rule by one dynasty, Russian society was not yet ready for political battles. In addition, he was patronized by the queen, who enjoyed universal respect, and influential relatives. The accession of Boris did not suit all the nobility, but the opponents were unable to unite and nominate a worthy candidate. But the most important thing is that his rise, and consequently his election as king, was not based on the art of cunning intrigue, but was the result of outstanding political abilities. Thus, he managed to alleviate the situation of the population, concluded peace treaties with neighboring states, and ensured the security of the southern border through the construction of fortified cities that protected the country from Tatar raids. In 1584, Arkhangelsk was founded, which became the most important port in Russia. Stone fortresses were erected in Kazan, Astrakhan, and Smolensk.

With all this, Boris did not immediately agree to be crowned king. Having settled with his sister in the Novodevichy Convent, he observed what was happening in the capital. According to R.G.

On February 18-19, 1598, the procession again came to the monastery with the same request. They decided that if Boris refused again, he would be excommunicated from the Church, and the clergy would stop serving the liturgy. Irina agreed to bless her brother, and then he agreed too. This is how he received the first blessing for the kingdom.

The political significance of the events of February 20-21 (from the point of view of Patriarch Job, Boris and his supporters) was that his power as tsar was based not only on the decision of the Council, but also on the will of the people.

Boris decided to be crowned royal only six months later - on the first of September. The entire court took part in the ceremony. The wedding was celebrated with special pomp. In his speech, he loudly said to the patriarch: “God is my witness, Father Patriarch Job, in my kingdom there will be no beggars or poor.” Then, taking hold of the collar of his shirt, he added: “And I will share this last one with everyone!”

The beginning of the reign was marked by significant relaxations. Peasants were exempted from taxes for one year, merchants from duties for two years, and non-believers from paying yasak for one year. Serving people were given an annual salary. Disgraced people taken into custody received forgiveness, widows, orphans and the poor received help. Executions were actually abolished. Even thieves and robbers were not punished with death.

Among Russian autocrats there is hardly a person whose image has left such a controversial mark on history. Gifted with a truly statesmanlike mind, he devoted himself entirely to the good of Russia. The political line pursued preceded the glorious deeds of Peter I by almost a century. But, having become a victim of a fatal combination of circumstances and the oppression of his own passions, he remained in the consciousness of the people as a child killer and a usurper of power. His name is Boris Godunov.

History of the ascension to the throne

The future sovereign of all Rus', Boris Fedorovich Godunov, was descended from one of the Tatar princes who settled in Moscow lands in the 14th century. He was born in 1552 into the family of a poor landowner of the Vyazemsky district, and if not for chance, this man, who went down in history as Tsar Boris Godunov, would have remained unknown to anyone.

His biography takes a sharp turn after the death of his father. While still a young man, he found himself in the family of his uncle, who during the oprichnina made a brilliant career at the court of Ivan the Terrible. The smart and ambitious nephew took full advantage of the opportunities that opened up to him. Having become a guardsman himself, he managed to break into the tsar’s inner circle and win his favor. His position was finally strengthened after his marriage to the daughter of one of the most powerful people of that time - Malyuta Skuratov.

The death of Ivan the Terrible and the further strengthening of Godunov

After some time, Godunov manages to arrange the marriage of his sister Irina with the son of Ivan the Terrible, Fedor. Having thus become related to the sovereign himself and received the title of boyar, the former Vyazma landowner became one of the highest state elite. But, being a cautious and far-sighted man, Boris tries to stay in the shadows, which does not prevent him, however, at the end of Ivan the Terrible’s life from exerting a significant influence on many government decisions.

When Ivan the Terrible died on March 18, 1584, with the accession of his son Fyodor to the throne, a new stage began on Godunov’s path to supreme power. Fedor became king according to the law of succession to the throne, but due to his mental limitations he could not lead the country. For this reason, a regency council was created, consisting of the four most eminent boyars. Godunov was not one of them, but in a short time, through intrigue, he managed to completely seize power into his own hands.

Most researchers argue that during the fourteen years of Fyodor Ioannovich’s reign, Boris Godunov was the de facto ruler of Russia. His biography of those years paints the image of an outstanding political figure.

Strengthening the country and growing cities

Having concentrated all supreme power in his hands, he directed it towards the comprehensive strengthening of Russian statehood. As a result of his works, in 1589 the Russian Orthodox Church found its patriarch and became autocephalous, which increased the prestige of Russia and strengthened its influence in the world. At the same time, his domestic policy was distinguished by intelligence and prudence. During the reign of Godunov, the construction of cities and fortifications began on an unprecedented scale throughout the country.

The reign of Boris Godunov became the heyday of Russian church and secular architecture. The most talented architects enjoyed full support. Many of them were invited from abroad. It was on Godunov’s initiative that the cities of Samara, Tsaritsyn, Saratov, Belgorod, Tomsk and many others were founded. The foundation of the fortresses of Voronezh and Liven is also the fruit of his statesmanship. To protect against possible aggression from Poland, a grandiose defensive structure was erected - the Smolensk fortress wall. And at the head of all these endeavors was Boris Godunov.

Briefly about other actions of the ruler

During this period, in Moscow, at the direction of Godunov, the first water supply system in Russia was built - an unheard of thing at that time. From the Moscow River, using specially made pumps, water flowed to the Konyushenny Yard. At the end of the 16th century, this was a real technical breakthrough. In addition, the reign of Boris Godunov was marked by another important initiative - the nine-kilometer walls of the White City were built. Constructed of limestone and lined with brick, they were fortified with twenty-nine watchtowers.

Somewhat later, another line of fortifications was built. It was located where the Garden Ring passes today. As a result of such large-scale work on the construction of defensive structures, the army of the Tatar Khan Kazy-Girey, who approached Moscow in 1591, was forced to abandon attempts to storm the city and retreated. Subsequently, it was completely defeated by the Russian troops pursuing it.

Foreign policy of Boris Godunov

Briefly describing his achievements in the field of diplomacy, we should first of all mention the peace treaty he concluded with Sweden, which ended a war that lasted more than three years. Godunov took advantage of the difficult situation that had developed within Sweden, and as a result of a treaty favorable to Moscow, he managed to return all the lands lost as a result of the Livonian War. Thanks to his talent and ability to negotiate, Ivangorod, Yam, Koporye and a number of other cities again became part of Russia.

Death of the young prince

In May 1591, an event occurred that largely overshadowed the historical image of Boris Godunov. In the appanage city of Uglich, under very mysterious circumstances, the legal heir to the throne, the youngest son of Ivan the Terrible, the young Tsarevich Dmitry, died. Since his death opened the way for Godunov to reign, general rumor hastened to accuse him of organizing the murder.

The official investigation, headed by boyar Vasily Shuisky and establishing the cause of death as an accident, was perceived as an attempt to hide the crime. This largely undermined Godunov’s authority among the people, which his political opponents did not fail to take advantage of.

Accession to the throne

After the death of Tsar Fyodor Ioannovich, the Zemsky Sobor elected Boris Godunov to the kingdom. The date of his ascension to the throne is September 11, 1598. According to the customs of those years, everyone - from the supreme boyars to the small service people - kissed the cross, taking an oath of allegiance to it. From the first days, the reign of Boris Godunov was marked by a tendency towards rapprochement with the West. In those years, many foreigners came to Russia, who subsequently left a noticeable mark on the development of the country. Among them were military men, merchants, doctors and industrialists. Boris Godunov invited them all. His biography during this period is marked by acts similar to the future achievements of Peter the Great.

Strengthening the boyar opposition

But the new sovereign was not destined to rule Russia calmly and serenely. In 1601, a famine began in the country, caused by the loss of crops due to severe weather conditions. It lasted three years and claimed many lives. Boris's opponents took advantage of this. They in every possible way contributed to the spread of rumors among the people that the disasters that befell the country were God's punishment for the murderer king for the death of the legitimate heir to the throne.

The situation was aggravated by the fact that Godunov, suspicious and inclined to see treason everywhere, having ascended the throne, brought many boyar families into disgrace. They became his main enemies. When the first news appeared about the approaching False Dmitry, posing as a prince who had escaped death, Godunov’s position became critical.

The end of Godunov's life

Constant nervous stress and overwork undermined his health. Boris Godunov, whose biography until then had been a chain of continuous ascensions through the ranks of power, at the end of his life found himself in political isolation, deprived of all support and surrounded by a ring of ill-wishers. He died on April 13, 1605. His sudden death gave rise to rumors of poisoning and even suicide.

The reign of Boris Godunov is briefly assessed by historians only from the negative side as a whole. But if you look at this issue in detail, consider Godunov’s policy more deeply, it will become clear that not all the initiatives of the elected tsar were negative. On the contrary, it becomes clear that many of Boris Godunov’s undertakings were very promising.

The official date of Boris's reign is 1598-1604, but he was in power much longer. After his son ascended the throne, Godunov found himself among those close to the new king. Gradually he gained more trust and power, eventually becoming regent under Tsar Fyodor, who was weak-minded. In fact, his power was unlimited by anyone.

The reign of Boris Godunov

The reign of Boris Godunov became a golden period for him. It’s worth remembering a little about where the Godunov family came from in Rus'. The ancestor of the Godunovs was the Tatar Murza Cheta. He was a defector and left the Horde under Ivan Kalita. On the territory of Rus', he was baptized, and later founded the Ipatiev Monastery - later famous. In addition, Chet became the founder of several families at once. These were names such as:

• Godunovs;
• Saburovs and others;

Boris himself was considered handsome. Despite the fact that his height was short, his figure was dense, but there was also frailty. Boris was probably capable of persuasion, had a good command of speech and could make people listen to himself, despite the fact that his education left much to be desired. The most important thing is that he was a purposeful person; not for a minute did he give up trying to get closer to the top management.

His career path was as follows:

1. 1581 - Boris Godunov boyar;
2. Since 1584, Godunov began to have several titles, such as:
   • Equerry;
   • Near Great Boyar;
   • Governor of the Kazan and Astrakhan kingdoms.
3. In 1594, the royal charter granted him the title of ruler, despite the fact that Fedor was still king at that time. It’s interesting that a year later, Boris Godunov’s son was officially named ruler.

In the “stateless” time after the death of Ivan the Terrible, with the sick and weak Fyodor, the boyars began an open struggle for power. The strongest of them was the former guardsman Godunov. After the death of Fyodor, Patriarch Job gathered to elect a new sovereign. At this cathedral the council of the patriarch, and service people and the population of Moscow gathered. The most likely candidates were two people: the Tsar's brother-in-law Boris Fedorovich Godunov and Tsar Fyodor's cousin, Nikita Romanovich's eldest son - Fyodor Nikitich Romanov.

The years of Boris Godunov's reign came at a difficult time in the history of the Russian state. This was the period from 1598 to 1605. In fact, the future tsar was already in power under the sick son of Ivan the Terrible, Fedor.

The reign of Boris Godunov began controversially. In February 1598, the Council offered the throne to Boris, but he refused. In order for him to agree, a religious procession was organized to the Maiden Convent, where Boris was staying with his sister. The future king was forced to agree to ascend the throne. Thus, the election of Godunov was popular. However, it was believed that he secretly resorted to threats and bribes to achieve this.

Boris was crowned king only on September 1, having become convinced of the strength of the people's election. The reign of Boris Godunov throughout its entire duration was distinguished by special caution. He was afraid of attacks on his power and eliminated all the boyars who were suspicious of him. His real rival was only Fyodor Nikitich Romanov, as a result of which all the Romanovs were put on trial on charges of conspiracy against the sovereign. The boyars did not like the tsar, considering him the successor of Ivan the Terrible with his persecution of the nobility.

The reign of Boris Godunov became a continuation of Fedor’s policy, or rather what Godunov did under him. By all means he sought to restore the people's well-being, disturbed during the era of Ivan the Terrible. In foreign policy, he sought to avoid clashes and refrain from new wars. He cared about strengthening justice and wanted to be a good ruler for the people. He really gave many benefits to the common people. For three years in a row, from 1601, there was a crop failure, which led to massive starvation deaths. Boris arranged the free distribution of bread to the hungry from the royal treasury, and began large constructions in the capital to give people income.

The reign of Boris Godunov was accompanied by famine and robbery, but this was not his fault. However, this contributed to the growth of dissatisfaction with the king. Following the famine, a second misfortune appeared - a popular uprising for the self-proclaimed Tsarevich Dmitry. During this struggle, Boris Godunov died unexpectedly (1605).

Godunov attached great importance to European enlightenment. The tsar communicated with foreign specialists in the field of technology and medicine, willingly taking them into public service. He sent young people to foreign countries and planned to organize Moscow schools in a foreign way. He formed a military detachment of Germans according to a foreign model. Under Godunov, the Moscow government's inclination towards closer contacts with the enlightened West and the assimilation of European knowledge was clearly visible.

This is how the reign of Boris Godunov is briefly described by most historians. Many doubt how legally he gained power, believing that he was responsible for the murder of Ivan the Terrible’s youngest son, Tsarevich Dmitry, in Uglich.

In 1598, with the death of Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich, the royal Rurik dynasty was interrupted, the hoop that pulled together all the warring groups of the nobility, all the dissatisfied sections of the population, disappeared. Immediately, deep contradictions in society were revealed - within the nobility itself, between the enslaved people and the authorities, between the former guardsmen and their victims, between the elite of society, princes and boyars, and the middle and petty nobility.

It was during this difficult transitional time that boyar Boris Godunov was elected to the Russian throne, who tried already at the turn of the 16th - 17th centuries. to found a new dynasty in Russia.

On February 27, 1598, the Zemsky Sobor elected Godunov as king and took the oath of allegiance to him. This was the first elected ruler of the Moscow state. Read about how from a mediocre Vyazma landowner to become the Tsar of All Rus' on diletant.media.

It all started with personal connections. During the oprichnina years, Ivan the Terrible appointed Dmitry Godunov, Boris's uncle, as head of the Bed Prikaz. Under the wing of a relative, Boris received the first court rank of solicitor.

In an atmosphere of intrigue and denunciations, when any careless step threatened disgrace and even death, the Godunovs constantly looked for ways to strengthen their position. Before them stood an almost insurmountable barrier of artistry, because they came from an unknown family of middle-class Vyazma nobles.

But Boris, cunning and crafty, married the daughter of Malyuta Skuratov, Grozny’s closest henchman, and managed to marry off his sister, Irina, to Tsarevich Fyodor himself. It was during this period that the prospect of real power dawned on Boris, which he made the main goal of his life.

Queen Irina

Boris quickly became the “right hand” of the prince, who, according to contemporaries, “was a noble fool.” The English ambassador, in one of his dispatches to the queen, openly called the prince weak-minded.

But after the death of Ivan the Terrible, Godunov had to deal with the regency council appointed by the late tsar to help the feeble-minded Fedor. Godunov was opposed by representatives of well-born aristocratic families: princes Ivan Mstislavsky and Ivan Shuisky, the tsar’s uncle, boyar Nikita Romanov-Yuryev, and Bogdan Belsky, who was promoted during the years of the oprichnina.

First, Belsky, supported by Godunov, tried to forcefully remove the remaining members of the council from power. Mstislavsky and Shuisky provoked popular unrest in Moscow. The forces were on the side of the rebels, and Belsky was sent into exile.

Godunov emerged from the battle without losses and strengthened his position. In connection with Fyodor's crowning of the kingdom, Boris, bypassing many eminent boyars, was granted a position in the stable - one of the highest ranks in Russia, which introduced him to the circle of rulers of the state.

Godunov needed allies, and he found them in the person of the regent Nikita Romanov-Yuryev and the Duma clerk Andrei Shchelkalov, the head of the administrative bureaucracy. With the help of Shchelkalov, Godunov gradually took power. Through complex intrigues and submitting skillfully composed incriminating evidence to the Boyar Duma, he forced Mstislavsky to become a monk.

But it was more difficult to cope with the supporters of the disgraced prince, and Mstislavsky’s son headed the Boyar Duma. Godunov's prospects remained vague: a sickly tsar without an heir, under whom Boris could only count on the role of co-ruler.

Tsar Feodor Ioannovich

Godunov decided to take a dangerous step: he sent to Vienna a proposal, in the event of Fyodor’s death, to conclude a marriage between Irina and the German prince, in order to then elevate him to the Russian throne. But Uodunov’s fraud was revealed and made public, the Boyar Duma demanded that Godunov be tried for treason and attempting to give the Russian throne to a Catholic. Boris has already sent his representative to London to negotiate with the Queen of England on asylum.

But the opposition leaders made a mistake; they provoked unrest in Moscow and tried to destroy Godunov’s court, but were unable to take control of the situation. The unrest turned into a riot, and the Kremlin found itself under siege. The boyar opposition groups were forced to forget their differences for a while and unite to confront a common danger.

Godunov received a short respite and managed to concoct an accusation against the heads of the boyar opposition of secret relations with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and an attempt to bring the Polish king Batory to the Russian throne. He brought the main charges against Shuisky. The nobles loyal to Godunov seized the unfortunate man, forcibly tonsured him as a monk, and then killed him. Repressions began.

In the end, Godunov became a co-ruler of the state, making independent decisions on behalf of the autocrat, and received a title unprecedented in the history of Russia: “the tsar’s brother-in-law and ruler, servant and equerry boyar and courtyard governor and maintainer of the great states - the kingdoms of Kazan and Astrakhan.”

Godunov lacked the support of the aristocracy, the church and the serving nobility. It was not possible to break the stubborn opposition of the boyars, and he concentrated his efforts on winning over the church and nobles, especially provincial ones, to his side.

At first, Godunov, using very simple manipulations, decided to achieve influence on the church. Promising large financial subsidies, in 1588 the Patriarch of Constantinople Jeremiah was invited to Moscow.

The head of the universal church was given a ceremonial reception, he was given luxurious chambers, but isolated from the outside world. He was promised freedom in exchange for the establishment of a patriarchate in Moscow. For almost a year, Jeremiah was an involuntary “guest” of the Russian Tsar.

On January 26, 1589, Job, Godunov’s protege, was elevated to the Moscow patriarchal throne. Now they had to win the fight for the army - to win over the serving nobility. Godunov understood that the surest way to solve this problem was economic benefits and a victorious war.

Infringing on the interests of the aristocracy, he introduced a number of tax privileges for the noble class, “in order to add more land to the service of serving people.”

In January 1590, Russian troops launched an offensive in the Baltic states. After some time, a peace was concluded, according to which Russia received a narrow coastal strip from Narva to the Neva and, in addition to this, an angry neighbor - Sweden.

In 1591, Russian commanders on the outskirts of Moscow successfully repelled the raid of the Crimean Khan Kazy-Girey. Godunov immediately attributed this success to himself. Now he could count on the support of the serving nobility.

The strength of power was hampered by the fact that Tsarevich Dimitri was growing up in Uglich. There were plenty of candidates for co-rulers in his circle. And Boris took action.

The Church forbade mentioning Demetrius in divine services as being born to Ivan the Terrible in his sixth marriage (Orthodox Christians could marry no more than three times). People from the prince’s entourage were subjected to severe persecution. The Uglich principality was taken under the control of Moscow.

In May 1591, Demetrius died. According to the official version, the prince accidentally ran into a knife during a children's game. Historians continue to argue about the involvement of Boris Godunov in his death, but even if it was a tragic accident, it was Godunov who benefited most from it. While Tsar Fedor was alive, no one threatened Boris's power. And so on January 6, 1598, the king died. The struggle for power has entered its final phase.

First, against the will of Fyodor, Boris tried to place his sister, the royal widow Irina, on the throne. By decree of Patriarch Job, people began to take the oath in churches. But the boyar opposition again provoked popular unrest, and a week later Irina, under pressure from the crowd, renounced power in favor of the Boyar Duma and took monastic vows.

Map of Moscow at the end of the 16th - 17th centuries.

The Duma tried to assemble an electoral Zemsky Sobor. By order of Godunov, all roads to the capital were blocked, and only Muscovites could get to the Cathedral. In the Duma itself, a fierce struggle unfolded between supporters of the main contenders for the throne, and there were many of them: the Shuiskys, the brothers Fyodor and Alexander Romanov, Mstislavsky. Boris took refuge in the Novodevichy Convent.

The capital for the first time turned into an arena of fierce election struggle, the first stage of which Godunov lost. Only strong contradictions in the Duma, where Boris brought many of his supporters, did not allow the boyars to deprive him of the post of ruler. Now Patriarch Job, devoted to him, took upon himself all the troubles in favor of Godunov.

In mid-February, the Patriarch convened a Zemsky Sobor, to which the faithful were invited. At the Council, a “charter” was read out, prepared by Godunov’s adherents, led by his uncle. It skillfully substantiated his rights to the throne, which in reality were extremely dubious.

Led by the Patriarch, the Zemsky Sobor decided to elect Godunov and a special “code”, which decided to hold a procession to the Novodevichy Convent and “everyone unanimously with a great cry and inconsolable crying” to ask Godunov to accept the kingdom.

Decisions were made without unnecessary debate; they had to hurry, since the Boyar Duma, having failed to nominate a single candidate for the throne from among itself, began to persuade the people to swear allegiance to the entire Duma (an attempt to establish an oligarchy unprecedented in Russian history).

While the bickering was going on, on February 20 the patriarch organized a procession to the Novodevichy Convent. Godunov responded in a risky, but skillfully considered way: he refused to accept the throne.

Job continued to act. That same evening, all-night vigils began in all churches, and the next morning a procession of the cross, accompanied by a huge crowd of people, moved to the Novodevichy Convent. This time Godunov agreed to accept the royal crown.

The Boyar Duma clearly did not intend to approve the decision of the Zemsky Sobor, and only on February 26, Godunov, without waiting for this approval, solemnly entered Moscow. In the Assumption Cathedral of the Kremlin, Job blessed him for the kingdom for the second time. Representatives of the Duma opposition did not come to the celebrations, and Godunov returned to the monastery again.

Then, at the beginning of March, Job convened a new Zemsky Sobor, at which it was decided to take a general oath of allegiance to the tsar. In addition to the text of the oath, a monetary salary was sent to the province.

The third procession headed to the Novodevichy Convent to persuade Boris to sit down “in his own state.” In response, Godunov again declared his readiness to renounce the royal crown. And then the nun Alexandra (the tonsured queen) issued a decree, which ordered her brother to return to Moscow and be crowned king. The legislative decision - the verdict of the Boyar Duma - was replaced by a personal decree, dubious from a legal point of view.

Godunov entered Moscow for the second time, but was in no hurry to be crowned. By that time, the Duma members tried to oppose him with the candidacy of the Tatar Khan Simeon Bekbulatovich, who during the time of Ivan the Terrible for one year formally headed the Zemshchina. Without risking entering into open confrontation with the Duma, Godunov found a way to bring the boyars to submission.

On the southern borders of the state, a military danger “suddenly” arose, and a savior of the fatherland was needed. Boris led a campaign against the Crimean Tatars, who that year did not even think about raiding Rus'. A time-tested principle: if war is needed, but there is no war, it must be invented.

The army stood near Serpukhov for two months. For about 6 weeks, endless feasts and festivities were held. Two months later it was announced that the enemy had been “killed.” The regiments were disbanded, Godunov solemnly returned to Moscow.

In the second half of the summer, Moscow again “kissed the cross” for the Tsar, and when on September 1, the fourth solemn procession went to the Novodevichy Convent, where Godunov went on pilgrimage, to persuade Boris to finally get married “according to the ancient custom,” representatives of the Duma were already participating in it. Godunov graciously agreed, and two days later he was crowned with the royal crown in the Assumption Cathedral.

At the last and most crucial stage of his struggle for Monomakh’s hat, Godunov managed without bloodshed or serious social upheaval. But the result of his reign was the Time of Troubles.