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The end of the book of Acts of St. Apostles (vv. 30-31) St. John Chrysostom. Paul remained for two years, fulfilling his reward, and receiving all those who came to him, preaching the kingdom of God, and teaching about Jesus Christ, with all boldness, without restraint (30-31). Here (the writer) shows how

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§ 20. Works of St. Luke: Gospel and Book of Acts of the Holy Apostles Approach of St. Luke's presentation of the Good News is different at least in that he wrote his work in two volumes: 1) The Gospel (The Good News of Jesus Christ and 2) The Book of the Acts of the Holy Apostles (The beginning of the history of the Church as

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3.2. The mutual relationship between the book of human deeds and the book of life The lack of details in the description of the book of human deeds encourages researchers to put forward a number of their own assumptions. The main interest is the question of the mutual relationship between the book of life and the book of human deeds, so

4.3. Mentions of the book of life and the book of human deeds The book of life is included in the narrative of the next book after the Apocalypse, in one of the messages to the seven churches. From the 13th chapter she is mentioned four times throughout the cycle of visions, and the last appeal to this image

The Book of Acts of the Holy Apostles The Book of Acts is a direct continuation of the Gospel. The purpose of its author is to describe the events that occurred after the ascension of the Lord Jesus Christ and to give an outline of the initial structure of the Church of Christ. This book is especially detailed

[Greek Πράξεις [τῶν ἁγίων] ἀποστόλων; lat. Acta apostolorum], one of the canonical books of St. The Scriptures of the NT, the region, according to patristic tradition and according to the opinion of the majority of modern times. researchers, was written by St. ap. and the evangelist Luke.

Book title

found for the first time in Lat. translation of op. sschmch. Irenaeus of Lyons “Against Heresies” (“ex actibus apostolorum” - Iren. Adv. haer. III 12. 11; in III 13. 3 Irenaeus perhaps calls the same work “Luke’s testimony about the apostles” (Lucae de apostolis testificatio)) . T.n. Canon Muratori (in Latin), which speaks of the “Acts of all the Apostles” (Acta omnium apostolorum), and preserved in Greek. and lat. languages, the anti-Marcionite prologue to the Gospel of Luke, in which Πράξεις ἀποστόλων and Actus apostolorum are respectively mentioned, have a complex textual criticism and in recent decades a number of researchers have dated IV, not con. II century, which makes their evidence less authoritative.

Tertullian uses names such as Acta (Tertull. De bapt. 7; De resurr. 23; Adv. gnost. 15; Adv. Prax. 17), Acta apostolorum (Tertull. De bapt. 10; Adv. gnost. 15; De carn. Chr. 15; De resurr. 39; Adv. Prax. 28; De praescript. haer. 22-23; Adv. Marcion. 5. 2), Commentarius Lucae (Tertull. De ieiun. 10. 3). Clement of Alexandria and Origen talk about Πράξεις ἀποστόλων (Clem. Alex. Strom. 5. 12. 82; Orig. Contr. Cels. 3. 46). St. Cyril of Jerusalem calls D. s. A. “The Acts of the 12 Apostles” (Πράξεις τῶν δώδεκα ἀποστόλων - Cyr. Hieros. Catech. 4. 36; the same name is preserved in the siren translation “Teachings of Addai”), St. Gregory of Nazianzus - “The Acts of the Wise Apostles” (Πράξεις τῶν σοφῶν ἀποστόλων - Greg. Nazianz. Carm. dogm. 12. 34 // PG. 37. Col. 474), St. Amphilochius of Iconium - “Catholic (conciliar) acts of the apostles” (τῶν καθολικῶν Πράξεων ἀποστόλων) (Amphil. Iambi ad Seleucum // PG. 39. Col. 296-297). Blzh. Jerome connects the Greek. and lat. name - Apostolicorum Πράξεων (Hieron. De vir. illustr. 7). In the IV-V centuries. the name Πράξεις ἀποστόλων is enshrined in the manuscript tradition (Codices Sinaiticus and Vaticanus, Codex Beza). In Greek minuscule manuscripts from the 13th century. the apostles in the title are often designated as saints (Πράξεις τῶν ἁγίων ἀποστόλων). In the Itala and Vulgate manuscripts the title is given in the form Actus (rather than Acta) apostolorum.

Greek the word Πράξεις in the appendix to lit. works is synonymous with Lat. Res gestae and in antiquity since the 4th century. BC meant works of a historical (cf.: Polyb. Hist. 1. 1. 1) and historical-biographical nature (for example, “The Acts of Alexander” by Callisthenes, the works of Anaximenes of Lampsacus, Sosilos, etc.; cf.: Diog. Laert. 2. 3; Strabo. Geogr. 17. 1. 43).

The word “apostles” in the title refers not only to the 12 or 70 (72) closest disciples of Christ, chosen by Himself during his earthly ministry, but also to the apostle. Paul (cf. Acts 14.4), and perhaps more broadly - to one of the ranks of the early Church (cf. 1 Cor. 12.28), although in fact the ministry of only some of those who preached within the Roman Empire is described ( In general, out of 79 cases of use of this word in the books of the NT, 28 are in the D. S. A., 5 - in the Gospel of Luke, 35 - in the Epistles of Paul, the rest - in other books of the NT).

St. John Chrysostom points out that the inscription of the book has a special meaning: it tells not only about the miracles performed by the apostles, the source of which is divine grace, but also about those labors (deeds) that they suffered voluntarily, striving in all virtues (Ioan. Chrysost . In principle Act. 2. 2).

Authorship

In early manuscripts the text of D. s. A. is given without indicating the author. His name - Luke - appears first in the manuscripts of the 3rd Gospel (¸ 75, approx. 200), in the title of D. p. A. indicated only in post-iconoclast minuscules (starting from the 9th century). Nevertheless, the patristic tradition from the 2nd half. II century (Iren. Adv. haer. III 13. 3; 14. 1) unanimously calls the author D. s. A. ap. Luke, about whom ap. Pavel several mentions once in the Epistles as his companion-helper (Phil 24; 2 Tim 4.10), doctor (Col 4.14) and evangelist (if 2 Cor. 8.18 refers to Luke) (cf.: Iren. Adv. haer III 14. 1; Hieron. De vir. illustr. 7). According to some interpreters, he belonged to the number of 70 (72) apostles (Adamant. De recta in deum fide), but left the Lord after a conversation about the bread of life (John 6.66; on the road to Emmaus, the Risen Christ was met by Nathanael and Cleopas - Epiph. Adv. haer. 23. 6), and then returned to the Church again after the sermon of St. Paul (Epiph. Adv. haer. 51. 11). Dr. exegetes note that he did not see the Savior during His earthly ministry (Hieron. De vir. illustr. 7; Can. Murat. 6-7). In the anti-Marcionite prologue of Bl. Jerome and Eusebius of Caesarea indicate the origin of the ap. Luke from Antioch (Syria) (Euseb. Hist. eccl. III 4. 6).

In scientific-critical biblical studies since the 19th century. authorship D. s. A. and the reliability of legends about the life of the writer has been repeatedly questioned. First of all, the absence of any information about the Evangelist Luke from Papias of Hierapolis (60-130) was noted. The heretic Marcion, who rejected all the Gospels except the Gospel of Luke and included it in his canon, nevertheless left it anonymous (Tertull. Adv. Marcion. 4. 2. 3). Since from the 2nd century. It is believed that canonical books must have been written by close disciples of the Lord or the apostles; traditions about the origin, medical education and ministry of the evangelist could be based not on independent testimony, but on New Testament texts. In particular, the conclusion about the origin of Luke from Antioch, in addition to the attention paid to this center of Christianity in the D. c. a., can be made from Acts 13.1, where Lucius of Cyrene is mentioned (in addition, in the “Western type” of the narrative text in the 1st person (the so-called we-passages) they also include Acts 11.28, where it is narrated about the Antiochian Church).

Regarding the authorship of D. s. A. rus. Biblical scholarship takes a very definite position, proving, firstly, the unity of the author (as opposed to hypotheses about mechanical compilation from different sources), and secondly, his personal participation in the events described as a companion of the apostle. Paul and, finally, the fact that this author was none other than the Evangelist Luke (Glubokovsky, 1932).

The question of whether the author D. s. A. doctor, acquired particular urgency after the works of W. K. Hobart (Hobart. 1882), whose position was supported by A. von Harnack (Harnack. 1906). According to Hobart, in the Gospel of Luke and D. s. A. There is a large amount of medical vocabulary that only a professional doctor could use, in particular terms such as “relaxed” (παραλελυμένος - in Luke 5.24; Acts 8.7 (in the Greek text - 8.8); 9. 33), “bed” (κλινίδιον - in Luke 5. 19, 24; κλινάριον - in Acts 5. 15), “fever” (in the Greek text of Acts 28. 8 is plural πυρετοῖς) and so on . Particularly interesting are the parallels with the writings of the Greek. physician Dioscorides Pedian from Tarsus. However, G. Cadbury questioned Hobart’s conclusions (Cadbury . 1920, 1926), since, in his opinion, for the era of antiquity it is generally difficult to talk about the existence of medical terminology as such and all the supposed terms were used equally not only by professional doctors, but also simply educated people when talking about diseases (in particular, Cadbury refers to Josephus, about whom it is known for sure that he was not familiar with medical science). Until the end XX century most scientists accepted Cadbury's findings. However, in a number of modern works it was shown that the medical education of the evangelist and writer is manifested not in vocabulary, but in how exactly he describes the symptoms, course and duration of illnesses (Luke 9.39; Acts 13.11; 14.8), methods and times of healing ( Acts 3.7 (especially the word παραχρῆμα - suddenly); Acts 9.18; 14.10) (Weissenrieder. 2003).

Unity with the Gospel of Luke

By 140, the Gospel of Luke and D. p. A. were known as 2 separate works, since Marcion included only the Gospel in his canon. With the exception of the legend of a single authorship and prologues uniting both works, there is no external evidence in favor of an initially closer unity of these works. Currently time, not a single manuscript is known where the Gospel of Luke and D. s. A. would have been placed one after the other (there is a known papyrus in which D. s.a. are adjacent to the Gospel of Matthew - ¸ 53, 3rd century). According to papyrologists, the volume of text of both works is so large that it suggests the original use of 2 different papyrus scrolls (cf. the division of books into volumes in ancient literature - Diodor. Sic. Bibliotheca. 1. 29. 6; 1. 41. 10; Ios. Flav. Contr. Ap. 1. 35. 320; however, the early transition of Christian authors to the use of codes makes this argument less weighty). In the church tradition, both in the West and in the East, the Gospel of Luke and D. s. A. always, with the exception of a small number of complete handwritten codices of the NT, were contained in different books - the Gospel and the Apostle.

In modern Biblical studies believe that the solution to the issue can only be based on internal criticism of the texts: analysis of language, style, genre originality, compositional techniques, narrative unity, goals, main themes and theological content of both works.

There are several theories about the relationship between the Gospel of Luke and D. c. A. This view is widespread, according to D.'s cut. A. are a planned continuation of the Gospel of Luke (H. Marshall), written immediately or after some, perhaps a very long, time (G. Schneider). According to M. Parsons and R. Pervo, although D. s. A. and serve as a continuation of the Gospel of Luke, both works are complete and compositionally independent of each other, i.e. D. p. a. - a separate book, and not the 2nd volume of the Gospel of Luke, primarily because they were written in different genres (Parsons, Pervo. 1993).

Cadbury tried to prove that the Gospel of Luke and D. s. A. originally represented a single work, which was divided into 2 parts only in the process of canonization of the books of the New Testament (Cadbury. 1927). To designate the initial version, he introduced a special term Luke-Acts, which in the present day. tense is often used when we are talking not so much about literature, but about the theological unity of 2 works representing one of the trends in early Christianity. Hypothesis lit. unity, although divided by many. scientists, is based on the theory of interpolations and hypothetical reconstructions of “prototexts”, which do not have solid support in the manuscript tradition (C. Williams, R. Koch, P. Parker). Among the marginal theories, we can mention the priority hypothesis of D. s. A. as containing a simpler theology (H. G. Russell, G. Bowmann) and a hypothesis, according to the Gospel of Luke and D. c. A. are parts of a trilogy, the last book of which either did not survive or was not written (J. Winandy; according to J. D. Kestley, this book could be the Pastoral Epistles; for a review of theories, see: Delobel J. The Text of Luke- Acts // The Unity of Luke-Acts / Ed. J. Verheyden. Leuven, 1999. P. 83-107. (BETL; 142)).

The most significant compositional differences include the absence in the Gospel of Luke of the texts characteristic of D. A. "long speeches" But, as in the Gospel of Luke, in D. s. A. there are so-called diptychs (for example, the most noticeable is the comparison of the birth and ministry of John the Baptist and the Savior in the Gospel of Luke and the ministry of the apostles Peter and Paul in D. s.a.). In general, in the ministry of the apostles there are parallels with the earthly ministry of Jesus Christ: the Holy Spirit also descends on the apostles (Acts 2. 1-4; cf. Lk 1. 35-36; 3. 21-22), ap. Peter in his sermon interprets a verse from St. Scripture (Joel 2.28-32 in Acts 2.16-36; cf. Lk 4.14-30, where Is 61.1-2 is interpreted), the apostles call new believers (Acts 2.37-41, 47b; cf.: Luke 5. 1-11, 27, 32), heal a lame beggar (Acts 3. 1-10; cf.: healing of a blind beggar in Luke 18. 35-43), they are interrogated by the Sanhedrin (Acts 4. 1 -22; cf. Lk 22. 66-71), they perform miracles of healing and driving out demons (Acts 5. 12-16; 8. 6-7, 13; cf. Lk 4. 40-41; 6. 17 -19), touching Paul’s clothes heals (Acts 19. 11-12; cf. Lk 8. 43-48), the Jewish high priests and Sadducees want to kill the apostles for their preaching (Acts 5. 17-42; cf. Lk 19.47), ap. Peter resurrects Tabitha (Acts 9. 36-42; cf. Lk 7. 11-15), pious Roman. the centurion Cornelius was the first of the pagans to receive Baptism (Acts 10. 1-48; cf.: the centurion in Luke 7. 1-10 is the first pagan to ask for healing, and the centurion in Luke 23. 47 confesses the faith), apostle. Paul goes to Jerusalem, despite the danger awaiting him there (Acts 19.21; 21.8-17; cf. Lk 9.51; 13.33; 19.11-28), he goes to the temple (Acts 21. 17-26; cf. Lk 19.28-48), captured by a Jewish crowd, but then ends up in the hands of Rome. authorities (Acts 21.30-36; 23.23-26.32; cf. Lk 22.47-54; 23.1-25), the apostle speaks out against the Sadducees (Acts 23.6-9; cf. Lk 20. 29-38), blesses and breaks bread (Acts 27. 35; also see: 20. 7-11; cf. Lk 27. 35; also see: 24. 30), first hour. Stephen, being stoned, sees the heavens open and the Son of Man (Acts 7.56; cf. Lk 22.69), surrenders his spirit to the Lord and prays for the forgiveness of his murderers (Acts 7.59-60; cf. Lk 23.34 , 46). D. s. a., like the Gospel of Luke, cover a time period of 30 years. Both narratives begin in Jerusalem and end with arrest and trial. Cross-thematic connections are noticeable (the stay of the apostles in the temple in Luke 24.53 and in Acts 2.46; the preaching of the Kingdom in Luke 4.43; 9.2, etc. and in Acts 1.3 and 28.31; “the salvation of God” in Luke 3.6 and Acts 28. 28). In D. s. A. prophecies from the Gospel of Luke are fulfilled: “you will be clothed with power from on high” in Luke 24.49 implies the Ascension of the Lord (Luke 24.50-53; Acts 1.9-11) and the descent of the Holy Spirit on the apostles (Acts 2.1-4) ; the prophecy of Luke 21. 12-15 about persecution is fulfilled in Acts 4. 3-5, 14; 5. 17-42. The instructions to “shake off the dust” in Luke 9.5 and 10.11 are fulfilled by the apostles in Acts 13.51.

In D. s. a., as in the Gospel of Luke, there is a special interest in the universal scale of Christ. evangelism. The universalism of the Evangelist Luke is expressed both directly (see: Luke 2.10; 2.32; 3.6; 3.38; 24.47) and in details (for example, instead of “rabbi” it says “mentor” or “ teacher" (Luke 5. 5; 8. 24; 8. 45; 9. 33; 9. 49; 10. 25; 11. 45; 12. 13; 17. 13); the “Sea of ​​Galilee” is called the “Lake of Gennesaret” (Luke 5.1); the names of the Roman rulers precede the names of the Jews (Luke 2.1; 3.1); anti-pagan logics are omitted (cf. Lk 13.28; Mark 7.24-30; Matt. 15.21-28 ) (see: Pereira . 1983; Cissolah . 2006) The Gospel and the Holy Spirit are united by special attention to the action of the Holy Spirit (Luke 1. 35, 41, 67; 2. 25-27; 4. 14 , 18; 11. 13) (see: Turner. 1996; Hur Ju. 2001; Woods. 2001) (see section “Theology”).

At the same time, in D. s. A. there is no contrast “righteous-sinner” characteristic of the Gospel of Luke (Luke 5. 32; 7. 33-35, 39; 15. 1-17; 18. 9-14; 19. 6-10). The authority of the law of Moses, confirmed in Luke 16.17, is assessed differently in Acts 13.39; 15.10, 28-29. The Old Testament typology of the Gospel of Luke is replaced by the Christological typology in the Gospel of Luke. a., the preaching of the Kingdom - the preaching of the Risen Christ. These differences, however, may be caused by a change in perspective - from pre-Easter to post-Easter.

Place in canon

Like the book of St. Scriptures D. s. A. Christ is quoted. writers and church fathers, starting with schmch. Irenaeus of Lyon. However, D. s. A. rejected by such heretics as the Ebionites (Epiph. Adv. haer. 30.16), the Marcionites (Tertull. Adv. Marcion. 5.2), the Severians (Euseb. Hist. eccl. IV 29.5), and later the Manichaeans (Aug .De util.cred.2.7). According to Tertullian, “those who do not recognize this book of Scripture cannot have the Holy Spirit, for they cannot recognize that the Holy Spirit was sent down on the disciples” (Tertull. De praescript. haer. 22).

In the lists of canonical books of D. s. A. are always listed separately from the Gospel of Luke. Usually they follow the 4 Gospels (before the Pauline Epistles - Canon Muratori; Euseb. Hist. eccl. III 25. 1-7; Greg. Nazianz. Carm. dogm. 12. 34; Amphil. Iambi ad Seleucum // PG. 39. Col. 296-297; North African canons. Councils 393-419; Rufin. Comm. in Symb. Apost. 36; decree of Pope Gelasius; before the Council Epistles - Cyr. Hieros. Catech. 4. 36; Athanas. Alex. Ep. pasch. 39; 60th rights of the Council of Laodicea 363; Vatican and Alexandrian codes of the NT; Peshitta; most modern Orthodox editions of the NT). Sometimes D. s. A. located after the Gospels and Pauline Epistles (before the Conciliar Epistles - Epiph. Adv. haer. 76. 5; Codex Sinaiticus; after the Conciliar Epistles and before Revelation - Hieron. Ep. 53; Aug. De doctr. christ. 2. 8. 49; in the Cheltenham list of canonical books (360-370) D. s.a. are before Revelation and the Council Epistles). At the very end of the NZ D. s. A. place the 85th Apostolic Canon (c. 380, Western Syria) (after the Council Epistles, 1-2 Klim and Apostolic Constitutions) and the canonical list from the Claromontan Codex of the 6th century. (after the Council Epistles, the Epistle of Barnabas, the Revelation of John the Theologian, but before the “Shepherd” of Hermas and the apocryphal Acts of Peter and the Acts of Paul).

Language

D. s. A. characterized as Greek. koine, more lit. than in other books of the New Testament, which is manifested in the use of the optative, the infinitive bud. time with the verb μέλλειν, participles bud. time to indicate the goal, a number of rhetorical figures (litotes, paronomasia, synonyms). Assumptions made back in the beginning. XX century, about the use in D. p. A. euro or Aram. source in the present day time are rejected by all researchers (according to the testimony of St. Epiphanius, in the late 1st - early 2nd centuries there was a translation of the D. s.a. from Greek into Hebrew: Epiph. Adv. haer. 30. 3, 6). The abundance of Semitisms is explained by borrowing from or imitating the language. In particular, the “septuaginisms” include: the turn κα ἐγένετο (or ἐγένετο δὲ); pleonasms ἀναστάς (for example, in Acts 1. 15; 5. 6, 17, 34, etc.), ἀποκριθείς (4. 19; 5. 29, etc.), ἄρχεσθαι (1. 1; 2. 4; 11 . 4, 15, etc.); expression κα ἰδού; the verb “to be” in the imperfect in combination with the present participle. time; turnover ἐν τῷ with infinitive; the preposition ἀπό to indicate the reason; speaking verbs with the preposition πρός, and also, possibly, the use of εἰ in indirect questions.

Text

D. s. A. preserved in 3 main editions, which are from the end. XVIII century conventionally called “Alexandrian” (represented primarily by the Alexandrian (V century) and Vatican (IV century) codes, the Code of Ephraim the Syrian (V century), minuscules 81 (Lond. Brit. Lib. Add. 20003; Alexandr. Patr 59, 1044), etc.), “western” (represented by the Codex Beza (5th century), Codex Lauda (late 6th century), minuscule 614 from the island of Corfu (Kerkyra) (Ambros. E97 suppl ., XIII century); papyri ¸ 29 (III century), ¸ 38 (c. 300), ¸ 48 (III century); Copt. Middle Egyptian translation into manuscripts from the library of Pierpont Morgan (V century) (designated as G67 or mae); Syriac translation of Thomas of Herakleia, Bishop of Mabbug (616), and a critical apparatus for his translation; fragment of translation into Christian Palestinian Aramaic (Perrot Ch . Un fragment christo-palestinien découvert and Khirbet Mird // RB. 1963. Vol. 70. P. 506-555); Old Latin palimpsest from Fleury (V-VII centuries); “Giant” codex (XIII century); quotations from the works of the Church Fathers of the III-V centuries. , mainly Latin, and, finally, the “Byzantine” (or Antiochene, Koine, “text of the majority”, i.e. the one that is preserved. overwhelmingly Greek. minuscules). For the reconstruction of the original text, according to the dominant view in scientific literature, the “Alexandrian” and “Western” editions are important. The “Western” edition gained fame in the 2nd half. XVI century after the discovery of Greco-Latin by Theodor Beza. code, subsequent which received his name. It is longer (for example, in the Vatican Codex in D. s.a. there are 13,036 words, and in the Codex Beza - 13,904 words) and in a number of places differs significantly from the “Alexandrian” (the variants are approximately 3,642 words). For a long time, most scientists recognized the secondary nature of the “Western” version in relation to the “Alexandrian” one (in the 19th century - K. Tischendorf, B. Westcott and F. Hort, in the 1st half of the 20th century - F. Kenyon, M. Dibelius), on which all modern ones are based. critical editions. It was believed that the “Western” edition appeared in the 2nd century. as a result of the activities of census takers.

However, back in the end. XVII century J. Leclerc suggested that both editions were made by the ap. Luke, first complete for the Roman Church (“Western”), then short for “Theophilus” in Antioch (“Alexandrian”). In the 19th century Leclerc was supported by J. Lightfoot and F.W. Blass, and T. Tsang, E. Nestle, and F. Conybeare were inclined towards the same theory.

A. Clark clearly advocated the priority of the “Western” version and the secondary nature of the “Alexandrian” one (if in 1914 he considered the reduction of the “Western” text to be accidental, then in 1933 it was a deliberate editorial change). J. Ropes in 1926 put forward the exact opposite hypothesis: the “Western” text is an attempt to improve the “Alexandrian” version.

N.N. Glubokovsky actually agreed with the hypothesis of 2 editions of D. s. a. - in Rome and Antioch, - claiming that the initial version was with the blessing of St. Paul was compiled by the Evangelist Luke in Rome (Glubokovsky. 1932. P. 173).

After the Second World War several came out. studies of the “Western” version (A. Klein’s dissertation (Klijn. 1949), work on the theology of the “Western” text by E. J. Epp (Epp. 1966)), which forced scientists to revisit the problem of the relationship between the two editions (Martini. 1979; Aland. 1986). B. Aland proposed to separate the history of editing the text of D. p. A. into 3 stages: at the 1st stage, in the 2nd century, distortions and paraphrases were spontaneously introduced into the text of the “Alexandrian” version; at the 2nd stage, in the 3rd century, the text was edited, probably in Syria (since the “long "readings are absent from the sergeant-major Irenaeus of Lyon), as a result of which the initial “Western” edition (Hauptredaktion) appeared, which at the 3rd stage, in the 4th-5th centuries, was again subject to distortion and paraphrasing and in this form was preserved in Codex Beza and in manuscripts similar in type.

An alternative theory was proposed by M. E. Boamard and A. Lamouille. In their opinion, the “Western” text is primary and was revised by the writer himself, resulting in the “Alexandrian” edition (Boismard, Lamouille. 1984). Unlike their predecessors, Buamard and Lamuy consider the Greek. the text of the Beza Code as secondary evidence of the “Western” edition, containing elements of harmonization with Lat. version and the “Alexandrian” edition. To reconstruct the original “Western” version, they use papyrus fragments, a number of minuscules, but mostly Ethiopian. and lat. translations and patristic testimonies (primarily the homilies of St. John Chrysostom). The main criterion when choosing readings is the presence of “Lucanisms,” i.e., signs of a style characteristic of the writer. According to Buamard and Lamuy, the initial version of the text of D. s. A. was compiled from a number of sources (including written ones) by an unknown Judeo-Christian. by approx. 62, then approx. 80, the evangelist Luke revised this text, creating the initial version of the “Western” edition, in the end. I century other unknown rome a pagan Christian, independently of Luke, created the “Alexandrian” edition.

A different hypothesis was proposed by W. Strange, in his opinion, the editors were responsible for both editions, and not Luke, who did not have time to edit his draft version (Strange. 1992). Both editors used drafts of Luke, but the editor who created the "Western" version included all of Luke's marginal records and added theological clarifications. Both versions appeared before 175 and were directed against a number of modern ones. them heresies (primarily Marcion).

According to K.B. Amfu, 1st edition of D. p. a., close in type to the “western” one, appeared in 110-138. in Smyrna (modern Izmir, Turkey) in connection with the works of Polycarp of Smyrna and Papias of Hierapolis; in 138-172 due to the spread of the heresies of Marcion, Tatian and Valentinus, text by D. p. A. was again edited in Rome; in 172-178 the text was further revised in Alexandria (perhaps this edition belonged to Panten) (Vaganay. 1991).

K. Hemer, having studied the “Western” version from the viewpoint. reflection of historical realities, concluded that it is secondary (Hemer. 1989). P. Tavardon showed the presence of editorial doublets and repetitions in the “Western” version (cf. Acts 15. 1, 5), the reduction of which gave rise to the “Alexandrian” version (Tavardon. 1999).

Thus, although in modern times science lacks a unified view. on the ratio of the 2 editions, most researchers one way or another recognize that both versions are the result of some development, and therefore both may contain earlier versions of readings. Among the most noticeable differences are the following. The “Western” version of Acts 1.5 specifies that the Holy Spirit will descend on the day of Pentecost. Acts 1:26 speaks of 12, not 11, apostles. The pronoun “we” occurs much earlier than in the “Alexandrian” version (already in Acts 11.28). In general, the “Western” version is characterized by a greater degree of “church” understanding of the events described: more Christological titles (Christ is usually added to the name Lord Jesus (for example, in 1.21; 4.33; 8.16; 11.20, etc. .), the Lord is added to the name Jesus Christ (for example, in 2.38; 5.42; 10.48), etc.; in Acts 20.25 it is not said “Kingdom of God”, but “Kingdom of Jesus”) ; there are additions in connection with healings (in Acts 6.8, Stephen performs “great wonders and signs in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ”; in Acts 9.17, Ananias heals Paul “in the name of Jesus Christ”; in Acts 9.40 Apostle Peter says to Tabitha: “Rise up in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ”; in Acts 14. 10 Apostle Paul heals the lame “in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ”); the role of the Holy Spirit in certain events is more often emphasized (in Acts 6.10 and 8.18 the word “Holy” is added; in Acts 11.17 it speaks of the “gift of the Holy Spirit”; in Acts 15.7 and 29 Apostle Peter says “in the Spirit”; in Acts 15.32 Judas and Silas are filled with the Holy Spirit; the Spirit tells the Apostle Paul to return to Asia (Acts 19.1) or pass through Macedonia (Acts 20.3); the successes of the apostles are more clearly spoken of (the facts of healing are stated (Acts 5.15); the superiority of Stephen in wisdom is emphasized (Acts 6.10 et seq.); the conversion of the proconsul Sergius Paulus to the faith is noted (Acts 13.12), etc.; however, there are no characteristic features apocryphal Acts and Lives naming the apostles “blessed” and “saints” and some additional miracles.

Among the unsystematic additions, the following stand out. Acts 15.1 says that those who came were “from the heresy of the Pharisees,” Acts 15.2 gives the position of St. Paul regarding converted Gentiles: “They must remain as they were when they believed.” In Acts 8.24, the repentant Simon Magus weeps. In Acts 12. 10 ap. Peter, brought out of prison by an angel, descends “7 steps.” In Acts 10.25, one of the servants of the centurion Cornelius announces the arrival of St. Petra. In Acts 16:30, the guard, having released the apostles, locks up the remaining prisoners. Acts 19:5 says that baptism is performed “for the remission of sins.” Acts 19.9 and 28 indicate the hours in which the ap. Paul preached at Tyrannus.

The most noticeable difference between the “Alexandrian” version and the “Byzantine” and “Western” is the absence in Acts 8.37 of the eunuch’s confession that “Jesus Christ is the Son of God.” This verse is not found in papyri ¸ 45 (III century) and ¸ 74 (VII century), in the Sinaiticus, Alexandrian, Vatican Codes, and in most Copts. manuscripts, etc. It is first found among schmch. Irenea (Iren. Adv. haer. 3. 12. 8), then at sschmch. Cyprian, blessed Augustine, in the Codex Lauda, ​​Italy, Clementine edition of the Vulgate, Syriac, Georgian, Ethiopian. translations. In modern Greek The verse is missing from the NT edition. In the Synodal translation it is borrowed from the edition of Erasmus of Rotterdam.

Dating

Narration in D. p. A. ends in 62, which can be considered the lower limit for dating. Currently time there are 3 main hypotheses regarding the date of writing of D. s. a.: until the death of the ap. Paul (up to 64) and the beginning. 1st Jewish War (before 66); after the destruction of the Jerusalem temple (in 70), but even before the end. I century; in the 1st half. II century Although the exact date of the death of the Evangelist Luke also remains a matter of debate, supporters of the latter option automatically exclude his authorship.

Option 1 is accepted in the patristic tradition and many others. researchers in the 20th century (F.F. Bruce, Marshall, B. Reike, Hemer, etc.). One of the first to give such a dating is Eusebius of Caesarea, in whose opinion Luke completed the D. s. a., when he was with the ap. Paul, what he says in 2 Tim 4.10 (Euseb. Hist. eccl. II 22.6). This hypothesis is supported by the fact that in the text of D. s. A. Neither the war with Rome nor the persecution of Christians under Nero are directly mentioned. There is also no mention of the death of James, the brother of the Lord, which Josephus dates to 62 (Ios. Flav. Antiq. 20. 9. 1. 200; cf. Egesippus in Euseb. Hist. eccl. II 23. 4-18 ). In D. s. A. Herod Agrippa I mentioned the murder of another James, the son of Zebedee, brother of John (Acts 12.2). Less reliable, but taken into account, are arguments based on the respectful attitude of the author D. s. A. to the temple, auspicious image of Rome. authorities, lack of signs of familiarity with the Epistles of St. Paul, who are known to St. Clement of Rome and Sschmch. Ignatius the God-Bearer (however, this thesis is disputed), less developed (compared to the Johannine corpus and the Epistles of St. Paul) theological language and church terminology ("Christ" is a title (Anointed One), and not part of a name; the archaic expression παῖς θεοῦ in Acts 3 13; Sunday in Acts 20.7 is called, like the Jews, “the first day after the Sabbath,” and not “the Lord’s day,” as among the apostolic men (for example, in Ign. Ep. ad Magn. 9. 1; perhaps , already in Rev. 1. 10; for more details, see Art. Sunday); “elders” and “bishops” in Acts 20. 17, 28 appear as interchangeable words; Christians are called “disciples,” etc.).

Glubokovsky believes it is possible to date D. from. A. time until the death of the ap. Paul, i.e. the beginning. 60s - approx. 65 (Glubokovsky. 1932. P. 173). In fact, the bishop agrees with him. Cassian (Bezobrazov), attributing D. with. A. to the monuments of the end of the 3rd apostolic period (up to 65) ( Cassian (Bezobrazov). 2001. pp. 415-416).

Proponents of the 2nd hypothesis (Lightfoot, H. Konzelmann, Schneider, J. Fitzmeyer, R. Pesch, etc.) usually cite as a basis an indirect indication of the death of the ap. Paul in Acts 20. 25, 38. However, it is impossible to prove that here we are talking about an accomplished fact, and not about his prophetic presentiment. In any case, what the author D. s. A. knew about the death of the ap. Paul, does not allow us to automatically date the text to a time after 70. The same can be said regarding the dating of D. from. A. in comparison with the Synoptic Gospels (in particular, taking into account the fact that the Gospel of Mark, according to many researchers, was written in 65-70). An indication of the outbreak of war is often seen in Luke 21.20, where, in contrast to Mark 13.14 and Matthew 24.15, it speaks of the encirclement of Jerusalem by troops. If D. s. A. written by ap. Luke after the Gospel, then they should be dated at least to the end. 60s Perhaps the events of the Jewish War are referred to in Acts 8.26 (in Greek - v. 27), which speaks of the road from Jerusalem to Gaza, the region “empty” (ἐστν ἔρημος). Although traditionally the word “empty” refers to the road (cf. similar expressions in ancient literature: Arrian. Anab. III 3. 3), Greek. the text allows it to be attributed to Gaza. In this case, the verse can serve as evidence of the destruction of Gaza by the Romans, which took place in 66 (Ios. Flav. De bell. 2. 18. 1. 460). However, it is possible that we are talking about “old” Gaza (cf.: Strabo. Geogr. 16. 2. 30).

The 3rd hypothesis was put forward back in the 19th century. scientists of the new Tübingen school, and in the 20th century - J. O'Neill, J. Knox, H. Koester and others. Supporters of this version draw attention to the fact that quotes from D. S. A. and allusions to this text appear only in the martyr Justin (Iust. Martyr. I Apol. 50. 12 (cf.: Acts 1. 8-10); ἰδιῶται in I Apol. 39. 3 (cf.: Acts 4. 13); I 49. 5 (cf.: Acts 13. 27, 48); II Apol. 10. 6 (cf.: Acts 17. 23); Dial. 68. 5 (cf.: Acts 1. 9-11); 80. 3 (cf. .: Acts 5.29); 20.3 (cf.: Acts 10.14); 118.1 (cf.: Acts 10.42); 39.4 (cf.: Acts 26.5)), and straight The book is mentioned only by the commander-in-chief Irenaeus of Lyons.

In addition to the lack of early external evidence of D. s. A. The main argument of supporters of late dating is the author's supposed familiarity with D. A. with the writings of Josephus. Very close to Josephus is the story of the death of Herod Agrippa I in Acts 12.20-23 (Ios. Flav. Antiq. XIX 8.20-351; however, in D.S.A. his death looks like retribution for the murder of the ap. James and the arrest of Apostle Peter). In Acts 5. 36-37 the movements of Theudas and Judas the Galilean are mentioned, which are also reported by Josephus (Ios. Flav. Antiq. XX 5. 1-2. 97-102). However, the problem is that Josephus dates their activity to ca. 45 AD (Theudas) and ca. 6 A.D. in connection with the census (Judas), and in D. c. A. the story about them is put into the mouth of Gamaliel I, who delivered his speech in the beginning. 30s I century according to R.H. (Theudas Gamaliel was mentioned earlier than Judas, which corresponds to the sequence in Josephus, but not his chronology). Acts 21:38 speaks of an Egyptian who led 4 thousand robbers (Sicarii) into the desert. Flavius ​​calls him a false prophet who led 30 thousand into the desert (Ios. Flav. De bell. II 13. 5. 261-263; Antiq. XX 8. 6. 171; he talks about the Sicarii a little earlier - Ios. Flav. De bell. II 13. 3. 260; Antiq. XX 8. 5. 167). Author D. s. a., like Josephus, calls the movements of the Pharisees and Sadducees αἵρεσις (Acts 5. 17; 15. 5; 26. 5; cf.: Ios. Flav. De bell. I 5. 2. 110; II 8. 2. 162; Antiq. XVII 8. 4. 41; Vita. 189), thereby comparing them with the Greek. philosophical schools. If the author D. s. A. used the works of Josephus, he could write his work only after 93-95. However, the noted discrepancies may indicate that both authors used the same sources independently of each other.

A number of scientists are trying to separate questions about the date of writing and the date of publication of D. s. a., and also offer various theories of multiple editions of the text (Boamard and Lamuille, etc.).

Addressee and audience

Like the Gospel of Luke, D. p. A. addressed to Theophilus, probably Luke's patron (cf. dedication to Epaphroditus in Ios. Flav. Contr. Ap. 1. 1). There is an opinion that the name Theophilus is not personal, but symbolic (lit. - Lover of God, Beloved by God), which denotes a famous author (among the possible ones - a relative of the high priest Caiaphas, Theophilus of Antioch, proconsul Sergius Paulus, Seneca's brother Lucius Junius Annaeus Gallio, Domitilla's husband and Domitian's presumptive heir Titus Flavius ​​Clement, Herod Agrippa II) or any Christian in general (O "Toole R. F. Theophilus // ABD. CD Ed.). The title “venerable” (Luke 1. 3) may indicate socially -political position (belonging to the equestrian class - vir egregius) or holding a high position (cf.: Acts 23. 26; 24. 3; 26. 25). The absence of a title next to the name in Acts 1. 1 may indicate that between the writing of these books, Theophilus was baptized. According to Luke 1. 4, he was already instructed in the faith. However, whether he was baptized or just announced at that time, researchers disagree (in any case, in the 1st century, the practice of a long catechumen was not yet existed) Since the image of Theophilus may personify the intended audience of D. s. a., most likely he was already a Christian.

The topics covered, language features and church tradition indicate that D. s. A. were aimed at a Greek-speaking audience, in particular at pagan Christians (cf. Acts 28:28, etc.).

Motives for writing, goals and genre

Question about the purpose of writing D. s. A. until the 19th century The decision was unequivocal: the book continues the Gospel gospel and is called upon to tell about the beginning of the spread of the Word of God in the world and about the formation of the Church. However, starting with the work of the new Tübingen school, critical scientists sought to determine k.-l. hidden or additional motives for the appearance of this work. In particular, F.K. Baur argued that D. s. A. represent an attempt to combine 2 directions in Christianity - Petrovo and Pavlovo, maximally obscuring the differences between them (Baur. 1845). In the 20th century the main hypotheses were built around the search for certain apologetic tendencies. According to E. Henchen, D. s. A. represent an apology for the entire Church in connection with the beginning of persecution from Rome. authorities (Haenchen. 1971). However, unlike the apologies of the 2nd century. D. s. A. not addressed to the emperor or directly to a pagan audience. A. Mattill suggested that the main goal of D. s. a.- defense ap. Paul at his trial before Rome. authorities (Mattill. 1978), and J. Jervell - from attacks within the Church (Jervell. 1996). N. Dahl determined the motivation for writing D. s. A. as a theodicy in the traditions of Old Testament history writing (Dahl. 1966).

A more complex hypothesis was put forward by Konzelmann, in the opinion of D. s. A. were called upon to explain the delay of the Second Coming of Christ (Conzelmann. 1993). Ch. Tolbert, having analyzed the theology of D. s. a., came to the conclusion that the work was directed against Gnostic heretics (Talbert. 1975). R. Maddox saw the purpose of writing D. s. A. in solving pastoral problems in connection with changes within the Church (Maddox. 1982). Mn. The authors believe that the purpose of writing D. s. A. is to solve problems associated with dissociation from Jewish traditions and the coming of many people to the Church. pagan Christians. A solution to the issue can be found with a more precise definition of the genre uniqueness of the genre. A. In any case, it is impossible to reduce the purpose of writing this work to any one motive (in D. sa. a. are present as invective against Jews (Acts 4-7) and pagans (14. 11-18; 17. 16-34), as well as political apology (16. 19-21; 17. 6-7; 18. 12-13; 19. 35-40; 24-26) and the solution of internal problems of the Church (15. 23-29)).

In the 2nd half. XX century In scientific literature, the question of the genre of D. s. was actively discussed. A. The most popular nowadays. time they use the definitions of D. s. A. as a biography, as a novel, as an epic work, or as one of the types of ancient historiography.

Tolbert compared D. with. A. with “Lives of the Philosophers” by Diogenes Laertius (Talbert. 1975). In his opinion, D. s. A. typologically they are a continuation of the description of the life of the “sage”, a story about his students. The narrative about the disciples in the ancient tradition was intended to legitimize the true successors of the teachings of this or that philosopher. Accordingly, according to Tolbert, D. s. A. were supposed to “secure the right” to Christ’s teaching for some one movement in early Christianity.

Although Tolbert appeared several times. followers (Alexander. Acts. 1993; Porter. 2005), in general his work was met critically (Auni. 2000). A detailed comparison with ancient examples of the genre revealed significant differences, the main of which is the unparalleled event of the Resurrection of Christ and the presence of the Risen Lord among His disciples.

A number of researchers have tried to compare D. with. A. with examples of ancient romance (“Chareus and Callirhoe” by Chariton (1st-2nd centuries), “Ephesian Tales” by Xenophon of Ephesus (2nd century), “Leucippe and Clitophon” by Achilles Tatius (late 2nd century), “Daphnis and Chloe "Long (II-III centuries), "Ethiopica" by Heliodorus (III century), etc.) (Cadbury . 1955; Goodenough . 1966; Pervo . 1987). Among the most characteristic features of the novel genre in D. s. A. stand out: the popular rather than scholarly nature of the narrative, the presence of dramatic moments and plot twists associated with conspiracies, riots, imprisonment and miraculous liberation, storms, adventures at sea, etc., the use of sarcasm and irony. Nevertheless, many elements distinguish D. s. A. from the novel: attention to historical events and geographical descriptions, theological themes, changes in the main character throughout the narrative, etc. Most researchers agree that certain apocryphal, but not canonical Acts of the Apostles can be compared with the ancient novel. A.

Dr. popular in modern times literary direction - comparison of D. with. A. with ancient epic works (primarily Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey, Virgil’s Aeneid and Lucan’s Pharsalia) (Bonz. 2000; MacDonald. 2003). According to these researchers, the vision of the ap. Peter (Acts 10. 1-11. 18) recalls certain elements of the story about Agamemnon’s dream (Homer. Il. 2), the departure of the ap. Paul from Miletus (Acts 20. 18-35) is comparable to the departure of Hector (Homer. Il. 6), the election of Matthias (Acts 1. 15-26) - with the casting of lots in the 7th song of the Iliad, the salvation of St. Peter from prison (Acts 12.3-17) - with the flight of Priam from Achilles (Homer. Il. 24), the voyage of the ap. Paul by sea is compared with the story of the voyage of Odysseus (Homer. Od. 12. 401-425). Although some parallels look quite convincing, it is impossible to fully explain the reasons for writing and the nature of the narrative of D. s. A. They can not. If we recognize the influence of the epic on the style and individual elements of the narrative of D. s. a., it can be explained by the meaning that Homer’s works had in Greco-Roman. culture (education was based on their study, they were considered examples of poetry, language and style). It is quite natural that the author D. s. a., as an educated person and as one who preaches to the former. pagans, could not ignore the most significant works of ancient culture.

Most researchers still consider D. s. A. as an example of ancient historiography, specifying only their appearance and character. D. Auni attributes D. s. A. to the genre of “universal history” written by a lay historian (Auni. 2000), as indicated by the prologue to the Gospel of Luke (narration (διήγησις) in Luke 1.1 and the desire to “describe in order” in Luke 1.3). Motives for writing D. s. a.- the need for self-identification and legitimation of Christianity as a religion. movements. In the works of D. Bolsh, the genre of D. s. A. defined as “political historiography” (Balch. 1990). He compares them with the “Roman Antiquities” of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, highlighting a number of parallels in the composition (prologue, story about the Founder, story about predecessors, story about outstanding figures, story about the spread of the Christian faith among other peoples, story about struggle and victory). According to T. Brody, the composition and narrative of the Gospel of Luke and D. s. A. lie the “Deuteronomic history” and the stories about the prophets Elijah and Elisha in the books of Kings (Brodie. 1987). Elijah's taking up to heaven typologically corresponds to the story of the Ascension. Thus, Acts 1. 1-2. 6 can be compared with 1 Kings 21. 8-13. Although the influence of the Septuagint on D. s. A. it is difficult to exaggerate; such an approach cannot be extended to the entire narrative of D. s. A. According to G. Sterling, D. s. A. written in the genre of “apologetic history” and can be compared with the works of ancient historians Berossus, Manetho, Josephus (Sterling. 1992). The main goal of D. s. a.- show the dignity and antiquity of Christ. traditions, represent Christ. history as a continuation of the history of Israel. The main line of the narrative of the Gospel of Luke and D. s. A. is the proclamation and fulfillment of prophecies, which connects both works with the Old Testament story about the people of God and God’s promises to them. At the same time, Rome. This approach was supposed to show the authorities the safety of Christianity as a social movement, and the Jews - the continuity of the Old Testament with the New Testament. Sterling’s theory is developed by D. Margera, in whose opinion the specificity of D. s. A. lies in the story of how salvation is realized in history (Marguerat. 1999).

Some researchers are trying to reconcile different concepts. Thus, Konzelmann sees in D. s. A. “historical monograph” on the life of the apostles (Conzelmann. 1987). However, details important for the biography are in D. p. A. still remain outside the scope of the narrative (even the finale of the life path of the apostles is unknown).

L. Alexander, having studied the prologues of the Gospel of Luke and D. s. a., noted that in their brevity they resemble introductions to ancient works of a natural science nature (“professionally oriented,” on medicine, mathematics, etc.) rather than to historical narratives (Alexander. Preface. 1993). However, this does not testify against the historical nature of the story of the ap. Luke. Rather, this suggests that D. s. A. addressed not to a select few, but to the mass reader.

Composition

D. s. a. is a very complex text, in which individual blocks are not mechanically connected to each other, but are very skillfully woven into a coherent narrative. Usually a prologue is highlighted (Acts 1. 1-14), which serves as a connecting link between the Gospel of Luke and the Gospel of St. A. The further narration is subordinated to the flow of time, which is marked not so much by chronological indications as by repeated reference to the events already described (9. 27; 11. 4; 15. 12-14; 22. 1-21; 26. 1-23) and regular summing up (3 “major” - 2. 42-47; 4. 32-35; 5. 12-16; several “minor” - 5. 42; 6. 7; 9. 31; 12. 24; 19 . 20).

No less important role in D. s. A. the geography of the spread of the Word of God plays: from Jerusalem (1-7) through Judea and Samaria (8-12), then to Asia and Europe (13-28) up to Rome (the ending, open to a certain extent, may imply further movement “even to the ends of the earth,” stated in Acts 1:8). It is characteristic that each time the narrative returns in reverse to Jerusalem (12.25; 15.2; 18.22; 19.21; 20.16; 21.13; 25.1).

The 3rd element that determines the structure of the text of the D. s. a., is the theme of the fulfillment of prophecies (see, for example: 3. 24; 13. 40; 15. 15; 28. 25-27). Various events turn out to be predetermined: the Messiah had to suffer and be glorified (3.21; 17.3), Judas had to fall away, and the apostle. Matthias - to take his place (1. 16-22), ap. Paul - to suffer (9.16), like all Christians (14.22).

Finally, in D. s. A. a kind of diptych is presented - the ministry of mainly the apostles Peter and Paul is compared. At the same time, the narrative cannot be divided strictly into 2 parts: in Acts 1-12, where we talk mainly about St. Petre, the ap. is also mentioned. Paul (7. 58; 8. 1-3; 9. 1-30; 11. 25-30), and in Acts 13-28, which describes the ministry of St. Paul, and also speaks of Peter (15. 1-35). They both preach to both Jews and pagans (8. 14-25; 10. 1-11. 1-18; 13. 5, 14, 44; 14. 1; 17. 1; 18. 4, etc.), both are led by the Holy Spirit, perform miracles of healing and resurrection (9. 36-43 and 20. 9-12), resist sorcerers (8. 9-24 and 13. 6-12), only they lay hands at Baptism (8. 14-17 and 19. 1-6), the pagans want to worship them as gods (10. 25-26 and 14. 13-15), they advocate preaching Christ to the pagans (11. 1-18 and 21. 15-40) , they are arrested during a Jewish holiday (12.4-7 and 21.16-28), they are miraculously saved from prison (12.6-11 and 16.24-26), the fruit of their activity is the successful dissemination of the Word of God ( 12.24 and 28.30-31).

D. s. A. begin with an appeal to Theophilus and summing up the gospel narrative (1. 1-3). Next, it talks about the last appearance of Jesus Christ to the disciples and His Ascension (1. 4-11). In Acts 1:6 the theme of “restoration of the Kingdom” arises, and then the divine plan of salvation is revealed (1:7-8). Having seen the Savior’s ascension into heaven, which was accompanied by the appearance of angels (1. 10-11), the disciples returned to Jerusalem (1. 12-14).

The next large section is related to the preaching and miracles performed by the apostles in Jerusalem (1. 15-8. 3). In place of the fallen Judas, Matthias is chosen by lot (1. 15-26). The following is the story of the Descent of the Holy Spirit upon the Apostles on the day of Pentecost (2.1-13), which was the fulfillment of Gospel prophecies (cf. Lk 3.16; 11.13; 24.49; Acts 1.4- 5). Resolving the bewilderment of the crowd watching the apostles at that moment, ap. Peter addresses the assembled pilgrims and residents of Jerusalem with a sermon, interpreted by St. Scripture (Joel 2.28-32) and preaches the gospel of Christ, resulting in 3 thousand people. receive Baptism (Acts 2:14-41). The following describes the communal life of the first Christians and their meeting for the “breaking of bread” (2. 42-47). Examples of miraculous healings performed by the apostles are given: Peter and John heal a lame man near the temple (3. 1-11). For preaching (3. 12-26) they are arrested and testify about Christ before the Sanhedrin (4. 1-22). The narrative returns again to the prayer life of Christ. communities and the practice of socialization of property (4. 23-35). The cases of Josiah (Barnabas) and Ananias and Sapphira (4.36-5.11) are given as positive and negative examples of attitudes towards wealth. The sin committed by Ananias and Sapphira is the first sin to occur in the New Testament Church. For the crime against the unity of the Church and for the temptation of the Holy Spirit, they, according to the prophecy of the apostle. Peter, are punished by sudden death.

Next, the miracles of the apostles (5. 12-16), their new arrest, miraculous release from prison and testimony of Christ before the Sanhedrin (5. 17-42) are again narrated. In connection with the conflict over the distribution of food, the apostles elect 7 deacons to take care of the “tables” (6. 1-7). One of the deacons, Stephen, openly testifies about Christ in Jerusalem, for which he is stoned to death by an angry Jewish crowd (6. 8-7. 60). From this moment on, open persecution begins against the Church (8. 1-3). All this testifies to the final rejection by old Israel of the divine plan of salvation and the Good News, which the pagans now have to accept.

The next large section is related to the spread of Christianity in Judea and Samaria (8.4-12.24). Diak. Philip preaches in Samaria, and the apostles Peter and John meet the magician Simon (8.4-25). Philip baptizes an Ethiopian on the way to Gaza. eunuch (8.26-40). The Risen Jesus appears to one of the persecutors of Christians, Saul (future apostle Paul), on the road to Damascus, as a result of which Saul converts to the faith and receives Baptism (9. 1-30).

Author D. s. a., noting the growth of the Church and talking about how ap. Peter healed the paralytic and raised him to life. Tabitha (9. 31-43), proceeds to the story of how the pagans began to convert to Christianity: the centurion Cornelius and his house were baptized (10. 1-48). Then an explanation is given. Peter, why he baptized the pagans (11. 1-18), after which the narrative switches to the other apostles - Barnabas and Paul, who come to Antioch, where the local community calls themselves Christians for the first time (11. 19-26). Hearing Agave's prophecy about the coming famine, the Antiochian Church sends help to Judea (11.27-30).

King Herod Agrippa I kills St. James Zebedee and imprisons Peter, who is miraculously released (12. 1-19). Herod suffers sudden death (12.20-24).

The next part tells about the mission of the apostles Barnabas and Paul (12.25-14.28). They are elected to ministry (13.2-3) and preach in Cyprus (13.4-12), in Pamphylia and Pisidia (13.13-52), in Iconium (14.1-7), in Lystra and Derbe, where they perform miracles (14.8-20), and return the same way to Antioch (14.21-28).

One of the central places in D. village. A. occupies the story of the Jerusalem Council of the Apostles (15. 1-35), where the question is raised about the circumcision of the pagans and their observance of the Law of Moses (15. 1-5). After the speeches of the apostles Peter, Barnabas, Paul and James (15. 6-21), a letter to the Antiochian Church is compiled (15. 22-35).

The following describes the mission of the ap. Paul and his companions in Greece and Asia (15.36-20.38). Barnabas and Paul are separated (15. 36-41): the apostles Paul, Silas and Timothy, having passed through Asia, go to Macedonia (16. 1-12). In Philippi they baptize Lydia and her house and expel the demon, but are arrested, from which the prison guard frees them (16.13-40). They preach in Thessalonica (17.1-15). Paul gives a speech in the Athenian Areopagus (17.16-34), and then goes to Corinth, where he appears before the court of the proconsul Gallio (18.1-17), then visits Antioch (18.18-23). Apollos preaches in Ephesus and Corinth (18.24-28). Paul spends 2 years in Ephesus (19.1-40), and then, together with his companions, goes to Jerusalem, visiting churches in Greece and Asia along the way (20.1-38).

The next section is related to the return of the ap. Paul to Jerusalem and with his arrest (21. 1-26. 32). Although Paul receives a prediction of his fate (21.1-14), he visits the temple, where he is arrested (21.15-40), and after speaking to the crowd, he is imprisoned in a fortress (22.1-29). The apostle speaks before the Sanhedrin (22.30-23.11). To avoid lynching, Rome. the authorities transfer him to Caesarea (23.12-35). Ap. Paul defends himself before the ruler Felix (24. 1-27) and Festus, appealing to the court of Caesar (25. 1-12). After he appears before King Herod Agrippa II and Bernice (25.13-26.32), he is sent to Rome.

The final part of the D. p. A. tells about the journey of the ap. Paul to Rome (27.1-28.16). It tells about his voyage on the sea (27.1-5), about the storm, because of which the ship runs aground near the island of Malta (27.6-44), about the winter he spent in Malta, and the continuation way to Rome (28.1-16). At the end it talks about how the apostle lives in Rome and preaches Christ (28. 17-31).

Speeches and Sermons

make up approximately 1/4 of the entire text of the D. p. A. These include: the sermon of St. Peter in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost (2. 14-41), his sermon to the crowd in the temple courtyard after healing the lame man (3. 12-26), the sermon of the apostles Peter and John before the Sanhedrin (4. 8-12), Peter and the apostles before the Sanhedrin (5.29-32), Stephen before the Sanhedrin (7.2-53), Philip's sermon to the eunuch (8.26-38), Peter in the house of the centurion Cornelius in Caesarea (10.35-49), the apostles Barnabas and Paul in the synagogue in Antioch of Pisidia (13. 16-41), the sermon of Paul and Silas in Philippi to the family of the prison guard (16. 30-34), Paul's speeches in the Areopagus in Athens (17. 22-34), about the Holy Spirit in Ephesus (19.1-7), farewell in Miletus to the elders from Ephesus (20.17-35), before the crowd in Jerusalem (22.1-21), before the Sanhedrin (23.1-6), before the ruler Felix in Caesarea (24.10-21), before King Agrippa (26.1-23), before the Jews in Rome (28.23-28). In addition to descriptions of 12 sermons (5 of them are associated with the name of the Apostle Peter, 1 - the First Martyr Stephen, 6 - the Apostle Paul) in the D. p. A. there is a lot of direct speech (1. 4-8, 16-22; 4. 24-30; 5. 35-39; 6. 2-4, etc.). In addition, in D. s. A. there are dialogues (15. 7-11, 13-21, 23-29; 23. 26-30). By comparison, in the Gospel of Luke, direct speech makes up 68% of the text, while there are almost no “long” speeches. Hemer, comparing the volume of direct speech in the text of D. s. A. from Greco-Roman historical works, came to the conclusion that such abundance is characteristic of “grassroots” and not “scientific” literature (Hemer. 1989. P. 417-418).

The study of the function of quoting such speeches in ancient historiography led some researchers to the conclusion that all the speeches were compiled by the Evangelist Luke in order to explain a particular event, the character and goals of the characters, to acquaint the audience with the most important provisions of the doctrine, putting them into the mouth of authority figures - the apostles (Dibelius. 1949; Wilckens. 1961; Soards. 1994). Thucydides (c. 460-400 BC) already speaks about the “legality” of composing speeches for inclusion in a historical work (Thuc. Hist. 1. 22. 1; cf.: Ios. Flav. Contr. Ap. 1 3.18; 1.5.23-27). Composing speeches on behalf of heroes of tragedies or real persons of the past (the so-called προσωποποιΐα) was one of the exercises in rhetorical schools (the use of this technique in historiography was noted by the satirist Lucian: “If it is necessary for someone to make a speech, it is first of all necessary so that this speech corresponds to the person in question and closely relates to the matter” - Lucian. Hist. 58). Comparison of the same speeches preserved in different sources shows significant inconsistencies in both volume of speech and content (for example, the speech of Mattathias, the father of the Maccabees, in 1 Macc 2.49-70 and in Josephus (Ios. Flav . Antiq. XII 6. 3. 279-284); speech of Herod the Great in the “War of the Jews” and “Antiquities” of the same Flavius ​​(Ios. Flav. Antiq. XV 5. 3. 127-146; De bell. I 19. 4. 373-379); speech of Otho in Plutarch and Tacitus (Plut. Vitae. Othon. 15; Tac. Hist. 2. 47)). At the same time, the possible inaccuracy of speech in the text does not negate the historicity of the fact of its utterance. Even if we assume that the writer himself composed these speeches, he did this based on what he knew about this person and the events associated with him. The desire of the author D. s. A. to preserve the historical features of the delivery of speeches, or, as critical researchers believe, their stylistic processing (in order to emphasize the circumstances of the delivery of a particular speech), is manifested, for example, in the fact that the sermon of St. Peter on Pentecost is filled with Hebraisms (Acts 2. 14-36), and the speech of the apostle. Paul in the Areopagus - Atticisms (Acts 17:22-31).

Tales of miracles

In D. s. A. various miraculous phenomena are described: events associated with the economy of salvation (Ascension, Descent of the Holy Spirit), accompanied by supernatural phenomena (glossolalia - 2.4-11; 10.46; 19.6; the appearance of angels - 1.10; tongues of fire - 2. 3), manifestations of divine power accomplished through Jesus Christ and the apostles (release from prison (5. 19-21; 12. 7-10; 16. 25-26), healing of the lame (3. 1-10), incident with Ananias and Sapphira (5. 1-11), healing from the shadow of the Apostle Peter (5. 15), blinding and healing of Paul (9. 8, 18), healing of the paralytic Aeneas (9. 33-35) and Tabitha (9 . 36-42), temporary blindness of Elymas (13. 11-12), healing of the lame in Lystra (14. 8-10), expulsion of a demon in Philippi (16. 16-18), healing from handkerchiefs and aprons of Paul (19. 8-10). 12), healing of Eutychus (20.8-12), healing of Father Publius (28.8)); visions, prophetic dreams, etc. phenomena (8. 26-29; 9. 10-16; 10. 3-6, 10-16, 19-20; 11, 28; 13. 2; 16. 6, 7 , 9; 18. 9-10; 21. 9, 11; 23. 11; 27. 23-24). Several times it is said about uncertain miracles and signs (apostles - 2.43; 5.12, 16; Stephen - 6.8; Apostle Philip - 8.6-7, 13; apostles Barnabas and Paul - 14.3; Apostle Paul - 19.11; 28.9). Manifestations of the actions of Divine Providence can also be considered as miracles (8. 30-35; 12. 23; 14. 27; 15. 4, 28).

Although the systematization of stories about miracles in D. s. A. found in Ikumenius (Argumentum libri Actorum // PG. 118. Col. 25-28), there were no special studies on this topic in scientific literature until the 70s. XX century It was usually considered in works about D. s. A. of a general nature. First of all, parallels were noted between the miracles of the apostles Peter and Paul, which, starting with the works of the new Tübingen school, were considered either as part of a tendentious selection of evidence from tradition for apologetic purposes, or as a product of lit. creativity ap. Luke. Baur in mid. XIX century proposed another diagram - the miracles of the apostles were compiled by the author D. s. A. in imitation of the miracles performed by Christ (see, for example: Lk 5. 17-26 and 3. 1-10; 9. 32-35; Lk 7. 11-17 and Acts 9. 36-43). A number of liberal researchers (including Harnack) believed that for Acts 1-12 and 13-28 ap. Luke used different sources (in the 1st case - more legendary, in the 2nd - more documentary-historical, perhaps his own observations). Dibelius introduced the division of miracles into 2 types - “short stories”, i.e. works of literature. character (see, for example: Acts 3. 1-10), and “legends” containing historical tradition (see, for example: Acts 14. 8-18). W. Wilkens and F. Neirynck tried to highlight the characteristic features of editorial editing in healing narratives (Neirynck. 1979). Researchers note that the similarities between the miracles performed by Christ and the apostles Peter and Paul are caused by the desire of the writer to emphasize the unity of the source and the common nature of these miracles and continuity at different stages of the history of salvation.

1st person narratives

Starting from Ch. 16 in D. p. A. sentences appear in which speech is conducted in the 1st person plural. h.- “we” (16. 10-17; 20. 5-8, 13-15; 21. 1-8, 11, 12, 14-18; 27. 1-8, 15, 16, 19, 20 , 27, 37; 28. 2, 7, 10-16; in the Latin translation of the monk Irenaeus, nos venimus is found already in Acts 16. 8, and in the “Western” version of D. s.a. - in Acts 11. 28). A face that speaks about itself, ap. Paul and his companions, “we,” joined the apostle on his journey from Troas to Macedonia. Perhaps the narrator stayed for some time in Philippi, since then “we” appears only in the story of the journey from Philippi to Troas and disappears again in the story of Eutychus (20. 7-12), which may indicate a different source for this story . The description of the events that took place in Miletus (20. 17-38) was also probably borrowed from another source. “We” appears in the narration of the journey of the ap. Paul to Jerusalem. The narrator remains with the apostle until his arrest. He then reappears in the narrative of the voyage to Italy, up to the time of Paul's arrival in Rome.

In the patristic tradition, starting with sschmch. Irenaeus of Lyons (Iren. Adv. haer. 3. 14. 1), this person is identified with the Evangelist Luke, the author of D. s. A. and satellite up. Pavel. In critical biblical studies, alternative assumptions have been put forward: these stories belong to an eyewitness, who could be, but not necessarily, the apostle. Luke (B. Reike); as part of the D. s. A. includes the personal diary of their author-eyewitness (C. Barrett); The diary belongs to an eyewitness to the events, but not to the author D. s. A. (V. G. Kümmel); all "we-passages" are lit. fiction (Haenchen, Konzelmann).

There are examples in ancient literature when the narrative is told in the 1st person plural. parts: for example, in Homer’s “Odyssey”, in Hanno’s “Periplus”, in Ovid’s “Sorrowful Elegies”, in the “Acts of Antioch” smch. Ignatius the God-Bearer. If in relation to Homer and Ovid we can talk about lit. reception, then the stories about the voyage of the Carthaginian Hanno and the martyrdom of Ignatius the God-Bearer could have been written by eyewitnesses. The range of opinions in modern times. works shows that there is no clear solution to the problem yet (for example, S. Porter sees in the “we-passages” a trace of one of the sources (Porter... 1999), D. Margera - a rhetorical figure designed to enhance the authenticity of the narrative (Marguerat... 1999) , many scientists defend the traditional view that in these stories there is evidence from an eyewitness companion, who most likely was the apostle Luke (Thornton . 1991; Wedderburn . 2002)).

Theology

D. s. A. in comparison with the theology of Paul's Epistles and the Corpus of John, it looks simpler both from the viewpoint. language and in relation to the topics covered. However, this external simplicity is explained by the proximity to the kerygma of the Judeo-Christian tradition (Hurtado. 2003), attempts to adapt Heb. theological language to make it understandable to pagan Christians is not noted.

Several stand out. central aspects of theology of D. s. A. Firstly, this is an apology for the Death on the Cross and Resurrection of Christ and proof that the Messiah, spoken of in the Holy Scriptures. Scripture, there is Jesus of Nazareth (“Christ had to suffer and rise again,” “This Christ is Jesus” - Acts 17. 3; cf. 18. 5). All sermons included in the D. s. A. follow this pattern - first they collect evidence from Scripture about the Messiah, and then show that they relate to the Lord Jesus (cf. Luke 24. 25-26, 44-45).

In D. s. A. the apostles continue the gospel of Jesus about the Kingdom of God (8. 12; 19. 8; 20. 25; 28. 23, 31), but at the center of their preaching is the Death and Resurrection of the Savior, which took place “according to the definite advice and foreknowledge of God” (Acts 2:23). The murder of the Messiah is the final point in the apostasy of the chosen people from God (cf. Acts 7:52). Although in D. s. A. the forgiveness of sins through Jesus Christ is repeatedly spoken of (Acts 2.38; 3.19; 10.43; cf. 13.38-39), the teaching about the redemptive nature of the death of the Cross is expressed less clearly than in other books of the NT. Only in Acts 20.28 is it mentioned about the Church, which the Lord purchased for Himself with His Blood (cf. Lk 22.19-20). At the same time, the distinctive feature of D. s. A. and the Gospel of Luke is the emphasis on the victorious and triumphant nature of the Death on the Cross and Resurrection of Christ, as the triumph of God and the foundation of the rapidly growing Christ. Churches (see: Tyson. 1986).

Secondly, Jesus Christ is spoken of in the same terms as God is spoken of in the OT. In particular, the most significant is the use of the title “Lord” (κύριος). Total in D. s. A. it occurs 104 times, of which only 18 refer to God, 47 times to Christ, and the remaining cases can refer to God and Christ. This is also noticeable in prayers that are addressed both to God and to Christ (1.24; 4.24; 7.59-60).

God is called Father (πατήρ) only 1 time (2.33). He is spoken of as the God of the forefathers or the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob (3.13), as the Creator (14.15) and the God of glory (7.2).

Jesus Christ is called “Lord of all,” Who was baptized by John, was anointed with the Holy Spirit, preached the gospel throughout all Judea, starting from Galilee, doing good and healing all those possessed by the devil, was crucified in Jerusalem (10. 36-39), but the flesh “I did not see corruption” (2.31), and He was resurrected by God on the 3rd day, appearing to the chosen disciples, whom the Crimea commanded to testify about Himself (10.40-42).

The fullness of humanity in Christ is confirmed in Acts 2.22 and 17.31, where the Savior is called a “Man” (ἀνήρ), and in Acts 10.38, where His origin “of Nazareth” is indicated. It was this teaching that caused the greatest hatred on the part of the Sanhedrin (5.28).

The expressions “Son”, “Son of God” (9.20; 13.33; also in art. 8.37, absent in the “Alexandrian” tradition of the text) and “Savior” (5.31; 13.23) in D. With. A. rare. Jesus is called “Son of Man” only in Acts 7. 56. Al. Christological titles such as “Principal of Life” (ἀρχηγὸς τῆς ζωῆς) (3.15; cf.: 5.31; Heb. 2.10; 12.2) and “Righteous” (δίκαιος) (Acts 3.14; 7. 52; 22. 14; cf.: 1 Peter 3. 18; 1 John 2. 1; 2. 29; 3. 7; possibly also Rom 1. 17; less likely - James 5. 6), these are examples of interpretation of the OT in the light of the Good News (Isa 53:11; Hab 2:4; Wis 2:12-18).

Jesus Christ is the Prophet whose coming Moses predicted (Acts 3.22-23; 7.37). His name is “youth/servant” (παῖς - 3. 13, 26; 4. 27, 30; cf. Matthew 12. 18; in Luke 1. 54 the title refers to Israel (cf. Ps. Solom. 12. 6 ; 17.21), and in Luke 1.69 and Acts 4.25 - to David (cf.: Didache. 9.2)) indicates not a subordinate position, but the dignity of being a representative of God, as indicated by the epithet “Holy "in Acts 4.27, 30. In general, the title is based on the interpretation of Isaiah 42.1 and is found in other early Christians. texts (Didache. 9. 2, 3; 10. 2-3; Clem. Rom. Ep. I ad Cor. 59. 2-4; Martyr. Polyc. 14. 1, 3; 20. 2; Diogn. 8. 9, 11; 9. 1). Jesus Christ is called “King” in Acts 17.7.

Thirdly, special attention in the theology of D. s. A. is given to the Ascension (see: Zwiep. 1997). The Resurrection of the Savior is inseparable from His Ascension and “sitting at the right hand” of God (Acts 2.25, 34; cf. Lk 22.69). Jesus Christ is the appointed Judge of the living and the dead (Acts 10:42). After the Resurrection and Ascension, God made Him “Lord and Christ” (2.36) and “Chief and Savior” (5.31) in order to “give repentance and forgiveness to Israel.” The exalted position of Christ is expressed in the fact that He “pours out” the Spirit on the apostles (2.33).

In the subsequent narrative, such a close connection between the action of the Holy Spirit and the power of the Savior is not clearly expressed (only in 16.7 the Spirit is called “Jesus” (in ¸ 74, Sinaitic, Alexandrian, Vatican codes and other ancient manuscripts); in Acts 5. 9 and 8. 39 (in ancient manuscripts) - “of the Lord”, which can also be attributed to Christ; in other cases - “of the Saints”.

The rootedness of the theological language of D. s. A. in the Old and Intertestamental traditions it is manifested in the use of the terms “Word”, “power” and “Name”, which sometimes denote the action of God in the world, and sometimes, apparently, refer to the Holy Spirit. It is repeatedly said that “the Word of God grew,” “spread,” “increased” (6. 7; 12. 24; 13. 49; 19. 20). Believers are those who accept the Word (2.41; 8.14; 11.1; 17.11; cf. Lk 8.13). Even the pagans glorify the Word of the Lord (Acts 13:48). In Greek The text of Acts 18.5 says that ap. Paul was compelled by the Word. “The Name of the Lord”, “the name of Jesus” saves (2.21; 4.10-12), it is called upon at baptism (2.38; 8.16; 10.48; 19.5), heals and forgives sins (3 6, 16; 4, 10, 30; 16, 18; 19, 13; 22, 16). Those who perform miracles have “power” (δύναμις) - ap. Peter (4.7), first hour. Stefan (6.8), ap. Philip (8.10). Sometimes the word “power” sounds like a synonym for “Spirit” (Acts 10.38; cf. Lk 1.35; 24.49), sometimes it is the fruit of the action of the Spirit (Acts 1.8).

Jesus Christ must come to earth a second time in the same way as He ascended to heaven (1.11). The return of the Lord is associated with the “restoration of the Kingdom,” about the time of which the apostles ask the Risen Christ at the very beginning of the Divine Life. A. (16). The Savior's answer places this event and, accordingly, His return in an uncertain future. During the period “until the time of the completion of all things” (ἄχρι χρόνων ἀποκαταστάσεως πάντων - 3.21) the Lord Jesus remains in heaven with the Father, who will send Him again to the “times of refreshing” (καιρο ἀναψύξεως - 3. 20).

D. s. a. - one of the main books of the New Testament, in which the doctrine of the Holy Spirit is revealed. In Acts 1-7 He is spoken of 23 times, primarily in connection with the fulfillment of prophecies (1. 5, 8; 2. 4, 17-18; 4. 31; 5. 32). The Holy Spirit speaks in Scripture and through the prophets (1.16; 4.25). Those who do not accept the Good News resist the Holy Spirit (7.51). The 7 deacons (including Stephen) are filled with the Spirit (6.3, 5, 10; 7.55).

Acts 8-12 speaks of the Spirit 18 times. He descends and makes it possible to prophesy (8. 15, 17, 18, 19; 9. 31; 10. 38, 44, 45, 47; 11. 15, 16). filled with the Spirit. Paul (9.17) and the centurion Cornelius (11.24). The Holy Spirit says to St. Philip (8.29) and admires him (8.39). Also says ap. Peter (10.19; 11.12). Predicts famine through the prophet. Agave (11.28).

In Acts 13-20 the Holy Spirit is mentioned 15 times. He fulfills the disciples (13.52), the house of Cornelius (15.8), descends on those baptized by John's baptism in Ephesus (19.2, 6), sends the apostles on a mission (13.4), fulfills the apostle. Paul (13.9), helps in making decisions (15.28; 19.21; in the “Western” text - 15.29; 19.1), destroys plans (16.6, 7), binds the ap. Paul (20.22), speaks (13.2; 20.23), appoints bishops (20.28), speaks through the disciples and through Scripture (21.4, 11; 28.25).

The Spirit is the force that unites and leads the Church. Therefore, sin against the unity of the Church (5. 1-10) is a sin against the Holy Spirit.

Ethics

D. s. A. Apart from calls to repentance, they contain almost no direct ethical instructions. This or that behavior, righteous and unrighteous lifestyle are revealed through specific examples. Lies are condemned (5. 1-10), practicing magic (8. 9; 13. 6; 19. 13-19), fornication and idolatry (15. 20, 29; 21. 25), love of money (20. 33). Acts 20.35 calls for almsgiving, which complements the practice of charity and division of property. Courage in the face of danger and sacrifice are encouraged (21.13; 27).

Reflection of the life of the early Church

In D. s. A. describes a transitional period in the life of the Church, when pluralisms were still preserved. Old Testament traditions and it was perceived by external observers as one of the currents (αἵρεσις) within Judaism (24.5, 14; 28.22). Christians still visited the Jerusalem temple (2.46; 3.1; 5.12), but the synagogues were already defined as “Jewish” (13.5; 14.1; 16.15; 17.1, 17).

Christian meetings held in private homes are reported (1.13; 2.1-2, 46; 9.43; 17.5; 18.7; 20.7-8; 21.8-16). In Jerusalem, their communication was so close that they had common property (2.44-45; 4.32, 34-35). In D. s. A. contains quite a lot of information about the liturgical life of the Church, primarily about the celebration of the sacrament of Baptism “in the name of Jesus Christ” (2.38; 10.48; cf.: Rom 6.3; Gal 3.27) or “in the name of the Lord Jesus” (Acts 8.16; 19.5; cf. 1 Cor. 6.11). Although in common Christ. Church tradition has accepted the formula given in the Gospel of Matthew (28.19; cf.: Didache. 7.3), about the existence of baptismal formulas similar to those mentioned in D. with. a., testify to other early Christians. monuments (Didache. 9.5; Herma. Pastor. III 7.3; Iust. Martyr. I Apol. 61.3, 13; Acta Paul., Thecl. 34). This formula was intended to emphasize the fact that baptism is Christ. (and not John’s) and is performed on behalf of the Lord Jesus Christ Himself. Baptism, according to D. s. a., was necessary for the forgiveness of sins and receiving the gift of the Holy Spirit (Acts 2.38; 22.16). The given examples of baptisms with common elements show the diversity of the ritual side of this sacrament. Baptism in D. s. A. is always associated with a profession of faith and is performed without prior preparation immediately after a person testifies to his faith. Running water is used for baptism (8.36-37). The number of dives (1- or 3-fold) is not reported. Perhaps, when immersed in water, the person being baptized aloud called on the name of God (22.16). In each case, the moment of the descent of the Holy Spirit on the baptized person is noted (after baptism - 2.38; 8.17; 19.6; before water baptism - 10.44-48). Of the additional rites, only the laying on of hands by the apostles is mentioned, which was performed in exceptional cases (at the baptism of the Samaritans, who were considered heretics, in other words, the Jews, after immersion in water (8.17), before the baptism of Saul, perhaps for his healing (9.17), after the baptism of those who were previously baptized by John's baptism (19.6)).

In most cases, baptism ends with joining the Church and, possibly, participation in the Eucharist (the exception is 8.39). In addition, in D. s. A. describes the practice of “baptism of houses”, i.e. the acceptance of the sacrament by all members of the believer’s family, including children and slaves (10. 2, 24; 11. 14; 16. 14-15, 31-34; 18. 8), which serves one of the reasons for Orthodoxy. practices of infant baptism in subsequent eras.

About the sacrament of the Eucharist in D. p. A. it is not said in detail. Most likely, the writer calls this sacrament “the breaking of bread” (Acts 2.42, 46; 20.7; cf. Lk 24.35; 1 Cor. 10.12; the question of the “breaking of bread” by the Apostle Paul in Acts 27 is controversial 35, however, the sequence of actions is similar to what the Lord performed at the Last Supper - see, for example: Luke 22. 19).

Church hierarchy in D. s. A. presented at the formation stage. In addition to the apostolic ministry, prophets are mentioned as a special church rank (Acts 11.27; 13.1; 15.32; cf.: Didache. 10.7; 11.3, 5-11; 13.1, 3-4, 6 ; 15. 1-2), elders (Acts 11. 30; 14. 23; 15. 2, 4, 6, 22, 23; 16. 4; 20. 17; 21. 18) and 7 deacons (6. 1 -6; 21. 8); however, according to the interpretation of St. fathers, the diaconal ministry mentioned in D. p. a., should not be completely identified with the diaconal ministry in the Church of subsequent centuries (16th Trul.). “Bishops” are not directly mentioned as a title (cf. Acts 1.20; 20.28), which, however, does not yet indicate their absence. Since the persecution of the Church has just begun, the name “martyr” (μάρτυς) has not yet become widespread and is used in D. s. A. in a broad sense - “witness” (2.32; 10.41; 13.31; 22.20).

In D. s. A. the laying on of hands is spoken of not only in the sacrament of Baptism and during ordination to ministry (6. 6; 13. 3; 14. 23), but also for healing (19. 12, 17; 28. 8), although the Blessing of Anointing is not mentioned.

In addition, some information is provided about the common prayers of Christians, both regular and performed on occasion, usually kneeling (1. 14, 24; 2. 42; 4. 31; 6. 4; 8. 15; 12. 5 , 12; 13. 3; 14. 23; 20. 36; 21. 5), as well as instructions for specific hours for prayers - the 6th and 9th (3. 1; 10. 9, 30). The practice of fasting is mentioned (13.3; 14.23).

Question about the sources of D. s. A. has been posed in science several times (see, for example: Dupont. 1964), but still has no unambiguous solution. The reason for this is that app. Luke, following the traditions of ancient historical description, did not give exact references and carefully processed the text to achieve unity of language and style, hiding the fact. quote boundaries. The use of eyewitness testimony is discussed in Luke 1. 3. For the events described in D. p. a., one of these eyewitnesses besides the author (the question of “we-passages” requires separate consideration) could be the ap. Philip (Acts 21.8; cf. 8.5-13; 26-40). In addition, researchers traditionally isolate material related to the ap. Peter (3. 1-10; 9. 32-43; 10. 1-11. 18; 12. 3-17), and also make assumptions about a certain “Antiochian source” (11. 19-30; 13-14, perhaps 15). Author D. s. A. He clearly relied on oral church tradition associated with Christ’s closest disciples, since he cites the words of the Savior, which are not found in the Gospel tradition (1.5; 11.16; 20.35). In addition to direct quotes from St. Scripture (according to LXX) in the text of D. p. A. contains a lot of allusions (for example, in the speech of Stephen - 7. 2-53). The question of whether the author D. s. A. I am familiar with the Epistles of St. Paul and, if he was familiar, then to what extent remains a subject of scientific debate. In addition to a series of letters. coincidences (expressions such as “serve (work) the Lord” in Acts 20:19 and Rom 12:11; “run the race” in Acts 20:24 and 2 Tim 4:7; “pay attention to yourself )" in Acts 20.28 and 1 Tim. 4.16), which may indicate lit. addiction, there are similar descriptions of episodes in the life of an ap. Paul (see, for example: 2 Cor 11.32 and Acts 9.22-25; Gal 1.16 and Acts 26.17-18; Gal 1.14 and Acts 22.4).

The question of his familiarity with the works of non-church authors remains open (if he did not directly use the works of Josephus, he could well have turned to the works of earlier authors, for example, Nicholas of Damascus, when it came to contemporary political narratives). Quotations have been identified in Acts 17.28 from the work of the Stoic poet Arat of Sol (Arat. Phaenom. 5) and in Acts 26.14 from Euripides’ “The Bacchae” (Eur. Bacch. 794 ss.). In addition, the author D. s. A. demonstrates familiarity with the teachings of the Sadducees and Pharisees, as well as the Greek. philosophers - Epicureans and Stoics.

The first critical works that questioned the adequacy of the reflection of the Ap. Luke's history of early Christianity appeared in the 19th century. M. L. De Wette (Wette. 1838) compared the narrative in D. with. A. with the narrative in the Epistle to the Galatians and came to the conclusion that the information from St. The bows are partly distorted, partly fictitious and incomplete. Tendency of D. s. A. emphasized the scientists of the new Tübingen school. The most radical criticism of D. s. A. contained in the work of F. Overbeck (Overbeck. 1919), who accused the ap. Luke in a mixture of history and fiction. E. Trocmé (Trocme é. 1957) explained the errors allegedly contained in the D. s. a., because ap. Luke was an amateur historian, unable to write a real historical work. Among modern authors of the most critical works on the historical accuracy of historical documents. A. belong to a German pen. scientists - G. Lüdemann and J. Roloff (L ü demann. 1987; Roloff. 1981). Moderately apologetic views on the historical value of D. s. A. M. Hengel also adheres (Hengel. 1979). In Anglo-Amer. In biblical studies, the opposite trend is observed - the reliability of the historical narrative of the ap. is emphasized. Luke (Bruce, Marshall, R. Baukem, Hemer, series “The Book of Acts in the context of the 1st century,” etc.).

The main reason for skeptical assessments of D. s. A. as a historical source is rooted in the fact that this text is often approached from the position of historical positivism of the New and Contemporary times, ignoring the specifics of ancient historical writing, in the traditions of which the ap. worked. Luke.

Ancient historians saw their task in finding and explaining the causes of events (Polyb. Hist. 3. 32; 12. 25; Cicero. De orat. 2. 15. 62-63; Dionys. Halicarn. Antiq. 5. 56. 1) . At the same time, the events had to be worthy of description, and the narrative had to be useful for the reader and fascinating, which involved the use of rhetorical techniques and constructions (Dionys. Halicarn. Ep. ad Pompeium). One of the advantages of historical narration was considered to be a sequential description of events. The composition of the essay had to be preceded by the collection of material from various sources, while oral testimony of eyewitnesses was valued above written sources (Lucian. Hist.; Plin. Jun. Ep. 3. 5. 10-15).

In fact, the only thing that distinguishes the story of the ap. Luke from the writings of Greco-Roman. historians - this is what the author D. s. A. does not act as an impartial outside observer, striving to truthfully present the facts known to him and hiding his views (despite the fact that moralizing is an integral part of ancient historical writing), but demonstrates a fully developed worldview that determines his attitude to the events taking place and their participants. For up. Luke's narrative is first and foremost a confession of faith. Moreover, unlike Greco-Roman. historians, the figure of the author in the narrative is practically absent, direct authorial speech is not heard (except for the dedication to Theophilus and narrations in the 1st person).

The focus of the historian's attention was on people and events, from the point of view. ancient authors are not suitable for writing history, since in Greco-Roman. In the world, only political events, descriptions of the lives of generals, politicians and rulers, wars and state incidents were considered history. scale. Everything else could be included in the narrative only in the form of excursions. The theological understanding of history, the constant reference to the role of God and the fulfillment of His plan in history are related to D. s. A. from the Middle East historiography.

For the Evangelist Luke, history has, first of all, theological significance; history, in the ancient understanding, is an auxiliary means, a theological tool in presenting the narrative; What is of primary importance for him is not history as such, but the reliability of the events presented.

Even if we approach D. s. A. with strict criteria of historical accuracy, the documentary realism of the work of the apostle becomes obvious. Luke. In D. s. A. 32 countries, 54 cities, 9 islands, 95 people are mentioned. named by name, Rome described in detail. and ev. institutions of power, precise topographical and chronological references to events are given, etc. Thus, a description of the journey of the ap. Paul from Troas to Miletus (Acts 20. 13-15) contains an indication of the main settlements along this route, although no incidents happened there. Such precise descriptions of the route appear repeatedly (13.4; 19.21-23; 20.36-38; problems of choosing a road - 20.2-3, 13-15; duration of the journey - 20.6, 15). In the 27th chapter. D. s. a., despite the abundance of artistic storytelling techniques, it contains a detailed description of the sea voyage using special terminology.

Accuracy in the description of the adm. structure and institutions of power is manifested in the fact that, for example, Philippi is called a “colony” (16.12), the administration of which is headed by praetors (στρατηγοί) (16.20; in the synodal translation - governors). At the head of Thessalonica the πολιτάρχαι are correctly indicated (17.6; in Russian translation - city leaders). The writer uses precise terminology to convey the names of Romans. positions, for example the proconsul is called ἀνθύπατος (13. 7-8; 18. 12). The description of the first years of the life of the Jerusalem Church (first of all, the unanimity that reigned in it and the socialization of property) (2. 42-47; 4. 32-35; 5. 12-16) after the discovery and study of the life of the Qumranites can no longer be considered idyllic.

Problems that require exegetical efforts include chronological inconsistency in Gamaliel's speech (5. 33-39), discrepancies in the 3 narratives of the conversion of St. Paul (9; 22; 26), certain inconsistencies in the description of the life and content of the sermon of the apostle. Paul in his Epistles and in D. p. A. Yes, several times. the assessment of the Law of Moses differs (cf.: Rom 7. 5, 12, 14 and Acts 15. 10; but cf.: 1 Cor. 9. 19-33 and Acts 16. 3; 18. 18; 21. 20-26; 24 14), the solution to the question of justification by the works of the law (cf. Rom. 3.28 and Acts 13.38-39; but cf. Gal. 3.19-21), natural theology (cf. Rom. 1.18-25 and Acts 17.22-31), attitude to the Old Testament holidays (cf. Gal 4.10 and Acts 20.16) and to circumcision (cf. Gal 6.15 and Acts 16.3).

Although the sequence of life Paul is presented in approximately the same way in his Epistles and in D. p. a., the chronology of individual events does not always coincide (the most difficult question to agree on is which of the events described in D. s.a. corresponds to what is being discussed in Gal. 2).

In the Epistles of St. Paul hardly talks about the miracles he performed, and, on the contrary, emphasizes his own weakness (2 Cor 12:10; cf. 2 Cor 12:12). In the Epistles he calls himself a bad speaker (1 Cor. 2.4; 2 Cor. 10.10), while in D. s. A. pronounces several times. magnificent from the viewpoint oratory art of speeches.

History of interpretation of D. s. A.

From the period of the early Church and the era of the Ecumenical Councils, interpretations of the Greek language have been preserved mainly in fragments. Their authors were schmch. Dionysius of Alexandria († 264/5) (CPG, N 1584, 1590), Origen († 254) (CPG, N 1456), Apollinaris of Laodicea († c. 390) (CPG, N 3693), Didymus of Alexandria († c. 398) (CPG, N 2561), Gregory of Elvira († c. 392) (his work was long attributed to Origen: Tractatus Origenis de libris SS. Scripturarum / Ed. P. Batiffol, A. Wilmart. P., 1900. P. 207-213), Ammonius of Alexandria (V or VI centuries) (CPG, N 5504), St. Hesychius of Jerusalem († after 450) (PG. 93. Col. 1387-1390), Sevirus of Antioch († 538) (CPG, N 7080.15). The most complete and best preserved interpretation is the 55 homilies of St. John Chrysostom († 407), which were compiled ca. 400 (CPG, N 4426) (he also wrote several homilies at the beginning of the D. s.a.). Of the major interpretations, also known are the interpretation erroneously attributed to Ikumenius (probably 8th century; CPG, N C151), and the interpretation of the bl. Theophylact of Bulgaria († 1125) (CPG, N C152).

From scholia and interpretations on individual pericopes of D. s. A. those inscribed with the names of Theodore of Irakli († c. 355) (CPG, N 3565), Eusebius of Emesa († c. 359) (PG. 86. Col. 557-562), St. Athanasius of Alexandria († 373) (CPG, N 2144.11), Saints Basil the Great († 379) (CPG, N 2907.10), Gregory the Theologian († c. 390) (CPG, N 3052.11), Epiphanius of Salamis († 403) (CPG , N 3761.8), Cyril of Alexandria († 444) (CPG, N 5210), Venerable Arsenius the Great († c. 449) (CPG, N 5550) and Isidore Pelusiot († c. 435) (CPG, N 5557), Severian Gabalsky († after 408) (CPG, N 4218), Theodore of Ancyra († 446) (CPG, N 6140), St. Maximus the Confessor († 662) (CPG, N 7711.9). A number of manuscripts with catenas are inscribed with the name of St. Andrew of Caesarea († 614) (CPG, N C150).

The interpretations of Diodorus of Tarsus († 392) and Theodore of Mopsuestia († 428) have not been preserved (the controversial Greek prologue and fragments in Latin and Syriac translations have been preserved: CPG, N 3844).

Mn. manuscripts D. s. A. contain various prologues and prefaces: some anonymous, others taken from the homilies of St. John Chrysostom on this book. The most famous is the prologue, the presentation of the contents and the auxiliary apparatus of which (numbering of chapters, an extensive description of the life and work of the Apostle Paul, a brief message about his martyrdom, a list of Old Testament quotations, etc.) were compiled in the middle. V century by a certain Euphaly (Evagrius) (CPG, N 3640), probably a deacon from Alexandria or a bishop of the city of Sulka. Currently At the time, the reliability of information about his life is called into question, since the prologue to D. s. A. discovered in Goth. translation, which allows us to date the time of its composition to the 2nd half. or con. IV century Analysis of the prologue allows us to conclude that its author is familiar with the works of Pamphilus or Theodore of Mopsuestia.

Nasir. language the interpretation of St. was written. Ephraim the Syrian († c. 373), but it was preserved only in Armenian. translation (Conybeare F. C. The Commentary of Ephrem on Acts // The Text of Acts / Ed. J. H. Ropes. L., 1926. P. 373-453. (The Beginnings of Christianity; 3)). The scholia of Theodore bar Koni (8th century) are known in several years. editions (Theodorus bar Koni. Liber Scholiorum / Ed. A. Scher. P., 1910, 1912. (CSCO; 55, 69. Syr.; 19, 26); idem. Livre des Scolies: Rec. de Séert / Ed. R. Hespel, R. Draguet. Louvain, 1981-1982. 2 vol. (CSCO; 431-432. Syr.; 187-188); idem. Livre des Scolies: Rec. d" Urmiah / Ed. R. Hespel. Louvain, 1983. (CSCO; 447-448. Syr.; 193-194)). Interpretations of Ishodad of Merv (IX century) have been preserved (Isho"dad of Merv. Acts of the Apostles and Three Catholic Epistles / Ed. M. D. Gibson. Camb., 1913. P. 1-35) and Dionysius bar Salibi († 1171) (Dionysius bar Salibi. In Apocalypsim, Actus et Epistulas Catholicas / Ed. I. Sedlácek. P., 1909, 1910. (CSCO; 53, 60. Syr.; 18, 20).Commentaries on the apostolic readings during the liturgical year are collected in Gannat Bussame (c. VIII-IX centuries) (edition started: Gannat Bussame: I Die Adventsonntage / Ed. G. J. Reinink. Louvain , 1988. (CSCO; 501-502. Syr.; 211-212)).

The interpretations of Babai the Great (VII century), Job of Cathar (VII century), and Avdisho bar Brikha († 1318) have not been preserved. Among the unpublished are an anonymous interpretation of the 9th century, catenas inscribed with the name of the Antiochian mon. Sevira (IX century), fragments of the interpretation of Moses by Bar Kefa († 903), interpretation of Bar Evroyo († 1286).

A compilation is known in Arabic, preserved in a manuscript of the 12th-13th centuries. (CPG, N C153), and interpretation translated from the Sir. language, the author of which is the Nestorian Bishr ibn al-Sirri (c. 867) (Mt. Sinai Arabic Codex 151: II. Acts and Catholic Epistles / Ed. H. Staal. Louvain, 1984. (CSCO; 462-463. Arab.; 42-43)).

From interpretations in Latin. language written answers to Eucherius of Lyons († 449) (CPL, N 489), a poem popular in the Middle Ages in Rome. hypodiac Arator († after 550) (CPL, N 1504), works of Cassiodorus († c. 583) (CPL, N 903), Bede the Venerable († 735) (CPL, N 1357-1359). Anonymous compilations from the works of St. Gregory the Great († 604), interpretations of Rabanus the Maurus († 856), Remigius of Auxerre († 908), glosses of Peter of Lombardy († 1160), Peter Cantor († 1197), Albertus Magnus († 1280), etc. From the 12th century. standard text for studying D. with. A. became Glossa Ordinaria of Anselm Lansky († 1117). Subsequent interpretations are also represented mainly by glosses and postillas (the most significant is that of Nicholas Lyra († 1349)). The transition to a critical interpretation of D. s. A. can be considered the notes of Erasmus of Rotterdam to the Greek edition. and lat. texts of the New Testament (1516) and his “Paraphrases of the New Testament” (1517-1524).

D. s. A. in worship

Practice sequential reading of D. s. A. for the Eucharistic celebration from Easter to Pentecost is known in all ancient liturgical traditions (including the poorly preserved North African one). It is due to the fact that D. s. A. continue the gospel story, telling about the events that took place after the Resurrection and Ascension of the Lord. Even in those monuments where the system of readings of the church year is traced to the least extent, D. s. A. serve as the main reading for the Feast of Pentecost.

In the Orthodox Church

modern reading practice D. s. A. based on a synthesis of ancient Jerusalem and Polish traditions. Already in the Polish Typikon of the Great Church. IX-XI centuries the selection of liturgical readings from Easter to Pentecost is almost identical to the currently accepted system. D. s. A. are read during this period sequentially, one concept after another (D.s.a. are divided into concepts so that some verses are omitted), starting with the Divine Liturgy on the 1st day of Easter (1st concept - Acts 1. 1-8 ) and ending with the Divine Liturgy on the Saturday before Pentecost (51st conception - Acts 27. 1-44). The Sunday readings are included in the general sequential series, from which only the readings of the holidays of Antipascha (when the 14th conception is read - Acts 5. 12-20), Mid-Pentecost (when the 34th conception is read - Acts 14. 6-18) stand out ), the Ascension of the Lord (when the 1st conception is read again (where the Ascension is spoken of), which has a more complete form than at Easter - Acts 1. 1-12) and Pentecost (when the 3rd conception is read (where it is said about the event of the Descent of the Holy Spirit on the Apostles) - Acts 2. 1-11); The readings of the Week (Sunday) about the Samaritan and the Saturday before this Week are rearranged (on Saturday the 29th conception is read, on Sunday - the 28th). The readings of Pentecost and its Midnight are excluded from the general series, so that on Bright Week after the 2nd conception (on Monday) the 4th is read (on Tuesday), and on the 5th week after Easter after the 32nd conception (on Wednesday Midsummer) is read on the 35th (Thursday). Also excluded from the general series are the 33rd (Acts 13:25-32) and 49th (Acts 26:1-5, 12-20) conceptions, which are read on the feasts of the Beheading of John the Baptist (August 29) and St. Equal-to-the-Apostles Constantine and Helen (May 21), respectively - these readings were chosen because the 33rd Conception mentions the sermon of St. John the Baptist, and in the 49th conception it speaks of the miraculous conversion of St. Paul to Christ, comparable to the conversion of Equal Apostles. imp. Konstantin.

A similar reading for the feast of the Beheading of John the Baptist (Acts 13. 16-42) is already found in ancient Armenian. translation of the Jerusalem Lectionary, reflecting the practice of Jerusalem worship in the 5th century. Reading D. s. A. in this monument and its cargo. analogue (reflecting the practice of Jerusalem worship around the 5th-7th centuries) is also indicated in memory: ap. Thomas (24 or 23 August) (Acts 1. 12-14; not read now), ap. Philip (November 15, now November 14) (Acts 8.26-40), forefather David and the apostle. James, brother of the Lord (December 25 or 24) (Acts 15. 1-29; in the Georgian translation of the Jerusalem Lectionary - December 26, reading shortened to Acts 15. 13-29), first part. Stephen (Dec. 26, now - Dec. 27) (Acts 6. 8 - 8. 2), the apostles James and John (Evangelist) Zebedee (Dec. 29) (Acts 12. 1-24; in Georgian translation shortened to Acts 12.1-17); Bethlehem Infants (May 9 or 18) (since Acts 12.1-24 tells about the unexpected death of Herod, although this is not the Herod who killed the infants, but the persecutor of the apostles) and on Maundy Thursday (Acts 1. 15-26 - the story of the election of Matthias to the place of Judas the traitor). In modern The Apostles of these pericopes indicate only the reading from memory of the First Hour. Stephen (27 Dec.; Acts 6. 8-15; 7. 1-5, 47-60) and ap. James Zebedee (April 30; Acts 12. 1-11). The same conception as in the memory of the ap. Jacob Zebedee, reads according to modern times. Charter, in memory of the Great Martyr. St. George the Victorious (April 23, as well as on the days of remembrance of the consecration of churches in his honor); among the monuments of ancient Jerusalem worship, reading from D. p. A. in memory of the Great Martyr. St. George the Victorious is indicated in the cargo. translation of the Jerusalem Lectionary, but the choice of pericope differs from the modern one - Acts 16. 16-34. In cargo. translation of the Jerusalem Lectionary there are 2 more readings from D. p. a.- in memory of St. Athanasius the Great and all the teachers of the Church (May 2) (Acts 20. 28-32) and in memory of the burning of Jerusalem by the Persians (May 17) (Acts 4. 5-22).

In addition to the readings on the Beheading of John the Baptist and on the memory of St. James Zebedee, First Hour. Stefan and martyr. St. George the Victorious in modern times. Several more are indicated to the Apostles. readings from D. s. A. for the holidays of the annual fixed circle: in memory of schmch. Dionysius the Areopagite (Oct. 3; Acts 17. 16-34), at the Council of St. John the Baptist (Jan. 7; Acts 19. 1-8), in memory of the ap. Peter (Jan. 16; Acts 12. 1-11), in memory of the apostles Bartholomew and Barnabas (June 11; Acts 11. 19-26, 29-30), in memory of the “renewal of Constantinople” (i.e. foundation and consecration K-Polya) (May 11; Acts 18. 1-11) (the choice of the listed beginnings goes back to the ancient K-Polish tradition and was already recorded in the Typikon of the Great Church), as well as in memory of the ap. Ananias (1 Oct.; Acts 9. 10-19) and at the great hours of the eve of Epiphany (at the 1st hour: Acts 13. 25-32; at the 3rd hour: Acts 19. 1-8) (in the Great Typikon central apostolic reading in memory of the Apostle Ananias - 1 Cor 4. 9-16; the great hours are not mentioned; Acts 19. 1-8 read on the Saturday before Epiphany).

In addition to the liturgical readings of D. s. a., according to what is now accepted in Orthodoxy. Churches of the Jerusalem Rite are also used for the Great Reading during the All-Night Vigil. In this capacity, D. s. A. must be read sequentially (without omissions - unlike the liturgical beginnings) at all-night vigils on Sundays, starting with the Week of Antipascha and ending with the Week of Pentecost (in modern practice this tradition has not been preserved, despite the instructions of the Typikon). In addition, in imitation of the great reading during the all-night vigil, the reading of D. s. A. included in the divine service on the evening of Holy Saturday - at the end of Vespers and the Liturgy of St. Basil the Great should perform the blessing of the loaves and immediately begin reading the D. s. A. entirely; after the reading, the pannikhis of Great Saturday (“Easter Midnight Office”) is sung; This scheme (vespers - blessing of the loaves - great reading - a service reminiscent of matins) deliberately brings the service of Holy Saturday closer to the usual Sunday all-night vigil. In modern practice, due to the usual transfer of the liturgy of Holy Saturday to the morning of this day, the blessing of the loaves occurs immediately after the liturgy, but the reading of D. s. A. starts approx. 20.00-21.00 modern time counting time and ends approx. 23.00-23.30, immediately before the start of the Easter Midnight Office (in this case, most often only part of the book of D. s.a. is read); in plural In churches, according to tradition, this is the reading of D. s. a., which opens the Easter night, is performed not by clergy, but by pious laity.

In the modern Catholic tradition

In the WestD. With. A. in addition to the period of Pentecost, they are read on the vigil of the Nativity of Christ, on the octave of the Nativity, on the Epiphany of the Lord, on Easter (the modern Catholic Lectionary, which allows in certain cases to choose readings, prescribes to give priority to D. s.a. when performing the sacrament of Baptism on Easter ), on the Address of the Ap. Paul, in memory of the apostles Matthias, Barnabas, Bartholomew, in memory of the consecration of the basilica in the name of Peter and Paul (November 18), as well as on special occasions (about the persecuted, about the sick, about the hungry, etc.).

“The Acts of the Apostles” is the first book published in Russia. It is assumed that the time of its creation is the beginning of the second century AD. Who wrote this unique work, what is said in the book - we propose to consider these questions in the article.

When was the book written?

The Acts of the Apostles, as we know, were written some time after the Gospel of Luke. The author Luke is mentioned in the Gospel of Mark, which was dated before about 70 AD. Therefore, it is clear that the Gospel of Luke could not have been written earlier than this date.

In fact, scholars say Luke wrote at the end of the first century. In addition, it can be considered that the author of the work "The Acts of the Apostles" relied on the book "Antiquities of the Jews", written by the Jewish historian Joseph and presented to humanity in 93 AD.

For example, his appeal to Gamaliel in the following passage:

"(Acts 5:34): Then stood one in the council, called Gamaliel, the physician of the law, high in rank among all the people, and he said to them, "What are you going to do concerning these people. For hitherto the Theudas have exalted themselves, boasting to be someone; to whom several people joined, about four hundred people; he was killed, and all who obeyed him were scattered and brought to naught. After this, Judas rose up from Galilee during the time of concealment and took away many people after him ;he also perished, and all, even those who obeyed him, dispersed. And now I say that I will not abstain from these people and let us leave them alone, for if this man takes any action, it will come to nothing. But if from God you could not overthrow, so that you would not be found even in battle against God." These words were attributed by Acts to Gamaliel, but he could not be responsible for them.

It is assumed that he survived the revolt of Theudas and "after him Judas of Galilee." If this meeting of the Sanhedrin took place around 35 AD, Theud's revolt had not yet taken place. After all, it is known that the uprising of Judas Galilean occurred 30 years earlier.

Luke wrote the Acts of the Apostles after the event, and he did not realize his mistake, which was probably because, although Josephus had the correct chronology, he mentioned Judas after he mentioned Theudas.

Misinterpretation or poor presentation from antiquities could lead someone to think that Theudas lived before Judas of Galilee. From this and many other examples we can establish with certainty that the book of the acts of the apostles was written in the early years of the second century.

For whom was the book written?

The Christian view is that Luke wrote the Acts of the Apostles as a historical account of the early years of Christianity. The book is addressed to Theophilus, but it was intended to be written for a wider audience, including converts and potential converts.

Theophilus ("friend of God") may have been a real person or simply symbolized the believers. The laws seem to have been written to a Christian community that was beginning to identify itself as distinct from the Gnostic Christians, and the author appears to have been trying to bring together different strands of this Christianity.

The readership of the Acts of the Apostles likely included much of the "centrist" Christian community. This may have been aimed at supporters of the "Paulists" and Gnostics who were able to accept a centrist approach to Christianity. This shows that the Christians were friendly and loyal to Rome, so may also have been people meant to impress the Romans as a sign that Christianity was not subject to Roman rule.

What books did the apostle Paul write?

Paul wrote most of the books in the New Testament: Romans, 1 Corinthians, 2 Corinthians, Ephesians, Galatians, Collisions, 1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, Titus, 1 Thesolonians, 2 Thessalonians, Philemon and Philippians.

What two books of the Gospel were written by the apostles?

Second-century history tells us that the Gospels of Matthew and John were written by the apostles, although the books were originally anonymous. Modern interpreters of the New Testament say that this was not the case, since none of the Gospels could have been written by an eyewitness to the events that were depicted.

Which apostles of the Bible say what is written?

The phrase “it is written” appears in 93 verses of the Bible. The following books of the New Testament include texts by the following authors: Matthew, Mark, Luke, John: Acts, Romans, 1 Corinthians, 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Hebrews, and 1 Peter.

How did the apostles write the books of the Bible?

Each of them was inspired by God (see 2 Timothy 3:16-17), and usually a scribe wrote down their words. The interpretation of the acts of the holy apostles teaches Christians to follow the word of Jesus and not stray from the right path.

Let's sum it up

The book "The Acts of the Apostles" was most likely written at the beginning of the second century AD. From that time on, it became a guide for Christians in following Jesus and his followers. This amazing work became the first printed publication in Russia. By studying the written truths of Christianity, a person can discover a world in which forgiveness and love for all representatives of the human race reign.