What did Justinian rule? Empire of Justinian I: the dawn of Byzantium

Emperor Justinian I (527-565). Emperor Justinian was very interested in religious issues, had knowledge of them and was an excellent dialectician. He, by the way, composed the hymn “The Only Begotten Son and Word of God.” He elevated the Church in legal terms, granted

Justinian I the Great, whose full name sounds like Justinian Flavius ​​Peter Sabbatius, is a Byzantine emperor (i.e. the ruler of the Eastern Roman Empire), one of the largest emperors of late antiquity, under which this era began to give way to the Middle Ages, and the Roman style of government gave way to the Byzantine . He remained in history as a major reformer.

Born around 483, he was a native of Macedonia, the son of a peasant. A decisive role in the biography of Justinian was played by his uncle, who became Emperor Justin I. The childless monarch, who loved his nephew, brought him closer to himself, contributed to his education and advancement in society. Researchers suggest that Justinian could have arrived in Rome at approximately 25 years of age, studied law and theology in the capital and began his ascent to the top of political Olympus with the rank of personal imperial bodyguard, head of the guard corps.

In 521, Justinian rose to the rank of consul and became a very popular personality, not least thanks to the organization of luxurious circus performances. The Senate repeatedly suggested that Justin make his nephew co-emperor, but the emperor took this step only in April 527, when his health deteriorated significantly. On August 1 of the same year, after the death of his uncle, Justinian became the sovereign ruler.

The newly-crowned emperor, harboring ambitious plans, immediately set about strengthening the power of the country. In domestic policy, this was manifested, in particular, in the implementation of legal reform. The 12 books of the Justinian Code and 50 of the Digest that were published remained relevant for more than a millennium. Justinian's laws contributed to centralization, expansion of the powers of the monarch, strengthening of the state apparatus and army, and strengthening of control in certain areas, in particular in trade.

The coming to power was marked by the onset of a period of large-scale construction. The Constantinople Church of St., which became a victim of fire. Sofia was rebuilt in such a way that among Christian churches for many centuries it had no equal.

Justinian I the Great pursued a fairly aggressive foreign policy aimed at conquering new territories. His military leaders (the emperor himself did not have the habit of personally participating in hostilities) managed to conquer part of North Africa, the Iberian Peninsula, and a significant part of the territory of the Western Roman Empire.

The reign of this emperor was marked by a number of riots, incl. the largest Nika uprising in Byzantine history: this is how the population reacted to the harshness of the measures taken. In 529, Justinian closed Plato's Academy, and in 542, the consular post was abolished. He was given more and more honors, likening him to a saint. Justinian himself, towards the end of his life, gradually lost interest in state concerns, giving preference to theology, dialogues with philosophers and clergy. He died in Constantinople in the fall of 565.

The burnt Hagia Sophia in Constantinople was completely rebuilt, striking in its beauty and splendor and remaining for a thousand years the most grandiose temple in the Christian world.

Place of Birth

Regarding the place of birth of Justinian, Procopius speaks out quite definitely, placing it in a place called Taurusium (lat. Tauresium), next to Fort Bederian (lat. Bederiana) . About this place, Procopius further says that next to it the city of Justiniana Prima was subsequently founded, the ruins of which are now located in the south-east of Serbia. Procopius also reports that Justinian significantly strengthened and made numerous improvements in the city of Ulpiana, renaming it Justiniana Secunda. Nearby he built another city, calling it Justinopolis, in honor of his uncle.

Most of the cities of Dardania were destroyed during the reign of Anastasius by a powerful earthquake in 518. Justinopolis was built next to the destroyed capital of the province of Scupi, and a powerful wall with four towers was erected around Tauresia, which Procopius calls Tetrapyrgia.

The names "Bederiana" and "Tavresius" have survived to this day in the form of the names of the villages of Bader and Taor near Skopje. Both of these places were explored in 1885 by the English archaeologist Arthur Evans, who found rich numismatic material there confirming the importance of the settlements located here after the 5th century. Evans concluded that the Skopje area was the birthplace of Justinian, confirming the identification of old settlements with modern villages.

Justinian's family

Name of Justinian's mother, Justin's sister, Biglenica is given in Iustiniani Vita, the unreliability of which was stated above. Since there is no other information on this matter, we can assume that her name is unknown. The fact that Justinian's mother was Justin's sister is confirmed by numerous sources.

There is more reliable news about Father Justinian. In The Secret History, Procopius gives the following story:

From here we learn the name of Justinian's father - Savvaty. Another source where this name is mentioned is the so-called “Acts regarding Callopodium”, included in the chronicle of Theophanes and the “Easter Chronicle” and relating to the events immediately preceding the uprising of Nika. There, the prasins, during a conversation with a representative of the emperor, utter the phrase “It would have been better if Savvaty had not been born, he would not have given birth to a murderer son.”

Savvaty and his wife had two children, Peter Savvaty (lat. Petrus Sabbatius) and Vigilantia (lat. Vigilantia). Written sources nowhere mention the real name of Justinian, and only on the consular diptychs of 521 do we see the inscription lat. Fl. Petr. Sabbat. Justinian. v. i., com. mag. eqq. et p. praes., et c. od. , meaning lat. Flavius ​​Petrus Sabbatius Justinianus, vir illustris, comes, magister equitum et peditum praesentalium et consul ordinarius.

The marriage of Justinian and Theodora was childless, however, he had six nephews and nieces, of whom Justin II became heir.

Early years and reign of Justin

Justinian's uncle, Justin, along with other Illyrian peasants, fleeing extreme poverty, came on foot from Bederiana to Byzantium and hired himself into military service. Arriving at the end of the reign of Leo I in Constantinople and enlisting in the imperial guard, Justin quickly rose in service, and already during the reign of Anastasia he took part in the wars with Persia as a military leader. Further, Justin distinguished himself in suppressing the uprising of Vitalian. Thus, Justin won the favor of Emperor Anastasius and was appointed chief of the palace guard with the rank of comite and senator.

The time of Justinian's arrival in the capital is not known exactly. This is believed to have occurred around the age of twenty-five, and Justinian then studied theology and Roman law for some time, after which he was given the title of Lat. candidati, that is, the emperor's personal bodyguard. Somewhere around this time, the adoption and change of name of the future emperor took place.

In 521, as mentioned above, Justinian received a consular title, which he used to increase his popularity by staging magnificent shows in the circus, which grew so much that the Senate asked the aged emperor to appoint Justinian as his co-emperor. According to the chronicler John Zonara, Justin refused this offer. The Senate, however, continued to insist on Justinian's elevation, asking that he be given the title of Lat. nobilissimus, which happened until 525, when he was awarded the highest rank of Caesar. Although such a distinguished career was bound to have real influence, there is no reliable information about Justinian's role in the administration of the empire during this period.

Over time, the emperor's health deteriorated, and the illness caused by an old wound in the leg worsened. Feeling the approach of death, Justin responded to another petition from the Senate to appoint Justinian as co-emperor. The ceremony, which has come down to us in the description of Peter Patricius in the treatise lat. De ceremonies Constantine Porphyrogenitus, occurred on Easter, April 4, 527 - Justinian and his wife Theodora were crowned Augustus and Augustus.

Justinian finally gained full power after the death of Emperor Justin I on August 1, 527.

Appearance and lifetime images

Few descriptions of Justinian's appearance have survived. In his Secret History, Procopius describes Justinian as follows:

A large number of coins were issued during the reign of Justinian. Donative coins of 36 and 4.5 solidi are known, a solidi with a full-figure image of the emperor in consular vestments, as well as an exceptionally rare aureus weighing 5.43 g, minted on an Old Roman foot. The obverse of all these coins is occupied by either a three-quarter or profile bust of the emperor, with or without a helmet.

Justinian and Theodora

A vivid portrayal of the early career of the future empress is given in copious detail in The Secret History; John of Ephesus simply notes that "she came from a brothel." Despite the opinion of some scholars that all these claims are unreliable and exaggerated, the generally accepted view generally agrees with Procopius' account of the events of Theodora's early career. Justinian's first meeting with Theodora took place around 522 in Constantinople. Then Theodora left the capital and spent some time in Alexandria. How their second meeting took place is not known for certain. It is known that wanting to marry Theodora, Justinian asked his uncle to assign her the rank of patrician, but this caused strong opposition from the empress, and until the death of the latter in 523 or 524, the marriage was impossible.

Probably, the adoption of the law “On Marriage” (lat. De nuptiis), which repealed the law of Emperor Constantine I prohibiting a person who had achieved senatorial rank from marrying a harlot.

After marriage, Theodora completely broke with her turbulent past and was a faithful wife.

Foreign policy

Directions of diplomacy

Main article: Byzantine diplomacy

In foreign policy, the name of Justinian is associated primarily with the idea of ​​“restoration of the Roman Empire” or “reconquista of the West.” There are currently two theories regarding the question of when this goal was set. According to one of them, now more widespread, the idea of ​​​​the return of the West existed in Byzantium since the end of the 5th century. This point of view is based on the thesis that after the emergence of the barbarian kingdoms professing Arianism, there must have been social elements that did not recognize the loss of Rome's status as a great city and capital of the civilized world and did not agree with the dominant position of the Arians in the religious sphere.

An alternative point of view, which does not deny the general desire to return the West to the fold of civilization and orthodox religion, places the emergence of a program of specific actions after successes in the war against the Vandals. This is supported by various indirect signs, for example, the disappearance from legislation and state documentation of the first third of the 6th century of words and expressions that somehow mentioned Africa, Italy and Spain, as well as the loss of interest of the Byzantines in the first capital of the empire.

Justinian's Wars

Domestic policy

Structure of government

The internal organization of the empire in the era of Justinian was based on the reforms of Diocletian, whose activities were continued under Theodosius I. The results of this work are presented in the famous monument Notitia dignitatum dating back to the beginning of the 5th century. This document is a detailed list of all ranks and positions of the civil and military departments of the empire. He gives a clear understanding of the mechanism created by Christian monarchs, which can be described as bureaucracy.

The military division of the empire did not always coincide with the civilian division. The highest power was distributed among certain military leaders, magistri militum. In the eastern empire, according to Notitia dignitatum, there were five of them: two at court ( magistri militum praesentales) and three in the provinces of Thrace, Illyria and the East (respectively magistri militum per Thracias, per Illyricum, per Orientem). Next in the military hierarchy were the Duci ( duces) and comites ( comites rei militares), equivalent to vicars of the civil authority, and having the rank spectabilis, however, the governors of districts are inferior in size to dioceses.

Government

The basis of Justinian's government was made up of ministers, all of whom bore the title glorious, under whose command the entire empire was. Among them the most powerful was Prefect of the Praetorium of the East, who ruled the largest of the regions of the empire, also determining the situation in finance, legislation, public administration, and legal proceedings. The second most important was Prefect of the City- manager of the capital; then head of services- manager of the imperial house and office; Quaestor of the Sacred Chambers- Minister of Justice, committee of sacred bounties- Imperial Treasurer, private property committee And committee of patrimonies- those who managed the emperor's property; finally three presented-the chief of the city police, whose command was the city garrison. The next most important were senators- whose influence under Justinian was increasingly reduced and committees of the sacred consistory- members of the imperial council.

Ministers

Among the ministers of Justinian, the first should be called Quaestor of the Sacred Chambers-Tribonia - Minister of Justice and Head of the Chancellery. Justinian's legislative reforms are inextricably linked with his name. He was originally from Pamphilus and began serving in the lower ranks of the chancellery and, thanks to his hard work and sharp mind, quickly reached the position of head of the office department. From that moment on, he was involved in legal reforms and enjoyed the exceptional favor of the emperor. In 529 he was appointed to the post of palace quaestor. Tribonius is entrusted with the responsibility of chairing the commissions editing the Digests, the Code and the Institutions. Procopius, admiring his intelligence and gentle manners, nevertheless accuses him of greed and bribery. Nick's rebellion was largely caused by the abuses of Tribonius. But even in the most difficult moment, the emperor did not abandon his favorite. Although the quaestor was taken away from Tribonius, he was given the post of chief of services, and in 535 he was again appointed quaestor. Tribonius retained the position of quaestor until his death in 544 or 545.

Another culprit in the Nika revolt was the praetorian prefect John of Cappadocia. Being of humble origin, he rose to prominence under Justinian, thanks to his natural insight and success in financial enterprises, he managed to win the favor of the king and receive the post of imperial treasurer. He was soon elevated to the dignity illustris and received the post of provincial prefect. Possessing unlimited power, he stained himself with unheard-of cruelty and atrocities in extorting the subjects of the empire. His agents were allowed torture and murder to achieve the goal of increasing John’s own treasury. Having achieved unprecedented power, he formed a court party and tried to claim the throne. This led him into an open conflict with Theodora. During the Nika uprising, he was replaced by prefect Phocas. However, in 534, John regained the prefecture. In 538, he became consul and then patrician. Only Theodora's hatred and unusually increased ambition led to his fall in 541

Among other important ministers of the first period of Justinian's reign, one should name Hermogenes the Hun by birth, chief of services (530-535); his successor Basilides (536-539) quaestor in 532, in addition to the comites of the sacred bounties of Constantine (528-533) and Strategy (535-537); also comita of private property Florus (531-536).

John of Cappadocia was succeeded in 543 by Peter Barsimes. He began as a silver merchant, quickly becoming rich thanks to merchant dexterity and trading machinations. Having entered the chancellery, he managed to win the favor of the empress. Theodora began promoting her favorite with such energy that it gave rise to gossip. As prefect, he continued John's practice of illegal extortion and financial abuse. Speculation in grain in 546 led to famine in the capital and popular unrest. The emperor was forced to depose Peter, despite Theodora's defense. However, through her efforts, he soon received the position of imperial treasurer. Even after the death of his patroness, he retained his influence and in 555 returned to the prefecture of the praetorium and retained this position until 559, combining it with the treasury.

The other Peter served as chief of services for many years and was one of Justinian's most influential ministers. He was originally from Thessalonica and was originally a lawyer in Constantinople, where he became famous for his eloquence and legal knowledge. In 535, Justinian entrusted Peter with conducting negotiations with the Ostrogoth king Theodatus. Although Peter negotiated with exceptional skill, he was imprisoned in Ravenna and returned home only in 539. The returning ambassador was showered with awards and received the high post of chief of services. Such attention to the diplomat gave rise to gossip about his involvement in the murder of Amalasunta. In 552 he received the quaestorship, continuing to remain chief of services. Peter held his position until his death in 565. The position was inherited by his son Theodore.

Among the highest military leaders, many combined military duty with government and court posts. The commander Sitt successively held the positions of consul, patrician and finally reached a high position magister militum praesentalis. Belisarius, in addition to military posts, was also the committee of the sacred stables, then the committee of the bodyguards, and remained in this position until his death. Narses performed a number of positions in the inner chambers of the king - he was a cubicular, a spatarian, the main head of the chambers - having won the exclusive trust of the emperor, he was one of the most important keepers of secrets.

Favorites

Among the favorites it is necessary, first of all, to include Marcellus - the committee of the emperor's bodyguards from 541. A just man, extremely honest, in devotion to the emperor he reached the point of self-forgetfulness. He had almost limitless influence on the emperor; Justinian wrote that Marcellus never left his royal presence and his commitment to justice was surprising.

Another significant favorite of Justinian was the eunuch and commander Narses, who repeatedly proved his loyalty to the emperor and never came under his suspicion. Even Procopius of Caesarea never spoke ill of Narses, calling him too energetic and brave for a eunuch. Being a flexible diplomat, Narses negotiated with the Persians, and during the Nika uprising he managed to bribe and recruit many senators, after which he received the position of preposite of the sacred bedchamber, a kind of first adviser to the emperor. A little later, the emperor entrusted him with the conquest of Italy from the Goths. Narses managed to defeat the Goths and destroy their kingdom, after which he was appointed to the post of Exarch of Italy.

Another person who cannot be forgotten is the wife of Belisarius, Antonina, Chief Chamberlain and friend of Theodora. Procopius writes about her almost as badly as he writes about the queen herself. She spent a stormy and shameful youth, but, being married to Belisarius, she was often at the center of court gossip because of her scandalous adventures. Belisarius's passion for her, which was attributed to witchcraft, and the condescension with which he forgave all of Antonina's adventures caused general surprise. Because of his wife, the commander was repeatedly involved in shameful, often criminal affairs, which the empress carried out through her favorite.

Construction activities

The destruction that took place during the Nika Revolt allowed Justinian to rebuild and transform Constantinople. The emperor left his name in history by building a masterpiece of Byzantine architecture - the Hagia Sophia.

Conspiracies and rebellions

Nick's Rebellion

The party scheme in Constantinople was laid down even before the accession of Justinian. The “green” supporters of Monophysitism were favored by Anastasius, the “blue” supporters of the Chalcedonian religion strengthened under Justin, and they were patronized by the new empress Theodora. The energetic actions of Justinian, with the absolute arbitrariness of the bureaucracy, and constantly growing taxes fueled the discontent of the people, also inflaming the religious conflict. On January 13, 532, the speeches of the “greens,” which began with the usual complaints to the emperor about oppression by officials, grew into a violent rebellion demanding the removal of John of Cappadocia and Tribonian. After the emperor's unsuccessful attempt to negotiate and the dismissal of Tribonian and his two other ministers, the spearhead of the rebellion was directed towards him. The rebels tried to overthrow Justinian directly and install Senator Hypatius, who was the nephew of the late Emperor Anastasius I, at the head of the state. The “blues” joined the rebels. The slogan of the uprising was the cry “Nika!” (“Win!”), which was how circus wrestlers were encouraged. Despite the continuation of the uprising and the outbreak of unrest on the streets of the city, Justinian, at the request of his wife Theodora, remained in Constantinople:

Relying on the hippodrome, the rebels seemed invincible and actually laid siege to Justinian in the palace. Only through the joint efforts of the combined forces of Belisarius and Mundus, who remained loyal to the emperor, was it possible to drive the rebels out of their strongholds. Procopius says that up to 30,000 unarmed citizens were killed at the hippodrome. At the insistence of Theodora, Justinian executed Anastasius' nephews.

Artaban's Conspiracy

During the uprising in Africa, Preyeka, the emperor's niece, the wife of the deceased governor, was captured by the rebels. When it seemed there was no longer any deliverance, the savior appeared in the person of the young Armenian officer Artaban, who defeated Gontaris and freed the princess. On the way home, an affair arose between the officer and Preyekta, and she promised him her hand. Upon his return to Constantinople, Artabanus was graciously received by the emperor and showered with awards, appointed governor of Libya and commander of the federates - magister militum in praesenti comes foederatorum. In the midst of preparations for the wedding, all Artaban’s hopes collapsed: his first wife, whom he had long forgotten about and who had not thought of returning to her husband while he was unknown, appeared in the capital. She appeared to the empress and prompted her to break off the engagement of Artaban and Prejeka and demand the reunification of the spouses. In addition, Theodora insisted on the princess's quick marriage to John, the son of Pompey and the grandson of Hypanius. Artabanus was deeply hurt by the current situation and even regretted serving the Romans.

Conspiracy of the Argyroprates

Main article: Conspiracy of the Argyroprates

Position of the provinces

IN Notitia dignatotum civil power is separated from military power, each of them constitutes a separate department. This reform dates back to the time of Constantine the Great. Civilly, the entire empire was divided into four regions (prefectures), headed by praetorian prefects. Prefectures were subdivided into dioceses, governed by deputy prefects ( vicarii praefectorum). Dioceses, in turn, were divided into provinces.

Having sat on the throne of Constantine, Justinian found the empire in a very truncated form; the collapse of the empire, which began after the death of Theodosius, was only gaining momentum. The western part of the empire was divided by barbarian kingdoms; in Europe, Byzantium held only the Balkans and then without Dalmatia. In Asia, it belonged to all of Asia Minor, the Armenian Highlands, Syria to the Euphrates, Northern Arabia, and Palestine. In Africa, only Egypt and Cyrenaica were able to be held. In general, the empire was divided into 64 provinces united in two prefectures - the East (51 provinces1) and Illyricum (13 provinces). The situation in the provinces was extremely difficult. Egypt and Syria showed a tendency to secede. Alexandria was a stronghold of the Monophysites. Palestine was rocked by disputes between supporters and opponents of Origenism. Armenia was constantly threatened with war by the Sassanids, the Balkans were worried by the Ostrogoths and the growing Slavic peoples. Justinian had a huge job ahead of him, even if he was only concerned with maintaining the borders.

Constantinople

Armenia

Main article: Armenia as part of Byzantium

Armenia, divided between Byzantium and Persia and being the arena of struggle between the two powers, was of great strategic importance for the empire.

From the point of view of military administration, Armenia was in a special position, evident from the fact that during the period under review in the diocese of Pontus with its eleven provinces there was only one dux, dux Armeniae, whose power extended over three provinces, Armenia I and II and Polemonian Pontus. Under the dux of Armenia there were: 2 regiments of horse archers, 3 legions, 11 cavalry detachments of 600 people each, 10 infantry cohorts of 600 people each. Of these, the cavalry, two legions and 4 cohorts were stationed directly in Armenia. At the beginning of the reign of Justinian, a movement against the imperial authorities intensified in Inner Armenia, which resulted in an open rebellion, the main reason for which, according to Procopius of Caesarea, was onerous taxes - the ruler of Armenia Acacius made illegal exactions and imposed an unprecedented tax of up to four centinarii on the country. To rectify the situation, an imperial decree was adopted on the reorganization of military administration in Armenia and the appointment of Sita as the military leader of the region, giving it four legions. Having arrived, Sita promised to petition the emperor for the abolition of the new taxation, but as a result of the actions of the displaced local satraps, he was forced to enter into battle with the rebels and died. After the death of Sita, the emperor sent Vuza against the Armenians, who, acting energetically, forced them to seek protection from the Persian king Khosrow the Great.

During the entire reign of Justinian, intensive military construction was carried out in Armenia. Of the four books of the treatise “On Buildings,” one is entirely dedicated to Armenia.

In development of the reform, several decrees were issued aimed at reducing the role of the traditional local aristocracy. Edict " On the order of inheritance among Armenians» abolished the tradition according to which only men could inherit. Novella 21 " That Armenians should follow Roman laws in everything"repeats the provisions of the edict, clarifying that the legal norms of Armenia should not differ from the imperial ones.

African provinces

Balkans

Italy

Relations with Jews and Samaritans

Questions devoted to the status and legal features of the position of Jews in the empire are addressed by a significant number of laws issued in previous reigns. One of the most significant pre-Justinian collections of laws, the Code of Theodosius, created during the reigns of the emperors Theodosius II and Valentinian III, contained 42 laws specifically dedicated to Jews. The legislation, although it limited the ability to propagate Judaism, granted rights to Jewish communities in cities.

From the first years of his reign, Justinian, guided by the principle of “One state, one religion, one law,” limited the rights of representatives of other faiths. Novella 131 established that church law is equal in status to state law. The Novella of 537 established that Jews should be subject to full municipal taxes, but could not hold official positions. Synagogues were destroyed; in the remaining synagogues it was forbidden to read the books of the Old Testament according to the ancient Hebrew text, which had to be replaced by a Greek or Latin translation. This caused a split among the Jewish priesthood; conservative priests imposed cherem on the reformers. Judaism, according to Justinian's code, was not considered a heresy and was classified as a Latin religion. religio licitis However, Samaritans were included in the same category as pagans and heretics. The Code prohibited heretics and Jews from testifying against Orthodox Christians.

All these oppressions caused an uprising in Palestine of the Jews and Samaritans close to them in faith at the beginning of the reign of Justinian under the leadership of Julian ben Sabar. With the help of the Ghassanid Arabs, the uprising was brutally suppressed in 531. During the suppression of the uprising, over 100 thousand Samaritans were killed and enslaved, whose people almost disappeared as a result. According to John Malala, the remaining 50,000 people fled to Iran for help from Shah Kavad.

At the end of his reign, Justinian again turned to the Jewish question, and published novella 146 in 553. The creation of the novella was caused by the ongoing conflict between Jewish traditionalists and reformers over the language of worship. Justinian, guided by the opinion of the Church Fathers that the Jews had distorted the text of the Old Testament, banned the Talmud, as well as its commentaries (Gemara and Midrash). Only Greek texts were allowed to be used, and penalties for dissidents were increased.

Religious politics

Religious views

Perceiving himself as the heir of the Roman Caesars, Justinian considered it his duty to recreate the Roman Empire, while wanting the state to have one law and one faith. Based on the principle of absolute power, he believed that in a well-established state everything should be subject to imperial attention. Understanding the importance of the church for government, he made every effort to ensure that it carried out his will. The question of the primacy of Justinian's state or religious interests is debatable. It is at least known that the emperor was the author of numerous letters on religious topics addressed to popes and patriarchs, as well as treatises and church hymns.

In accordance with his desire, Justinian considered it his right not only to decide issues related to the leadership of the church and its property, but also to establish a certain dogma among his subjects. Whatever religious direction the emperor adhered to, his subjects had to adhere to the same direction. Justinian regulated the life of the clergy, filled the highest hierarchical positions at his discretion, and acted as a mediator and judge in the clergy. He patronized the church in the person of its ministers, contributed to the construction of churches, monasteries, and the increase in their privileges; finally, the emperor established religious unity among all subjects of the empire, gave the latter the norm of orthodox teaching, participated in dogmatic disputes and gave the final decision on controversial dogmatic issues.

Such a policy of secular predominance in religious and church affairs, right down to the hiding places of a person’s religious beliefs, especially clearly demonstrated by Justinian, received in history the name of Caesaropapism, and this emperor is considered one of the most typical representatives of this trend.

Modern researchers identify the following fundamental principles of Justinian's religious views:

Relations with Rome

Relations with the Monophysites

Religiously, the reign of Justinian was a confrontation diphysites or Orthodox, if we recognize them as the dominant denomination, and Monophysites. Although the emperor was committed to Orthodoxy, he was above these differences, wanting to find a compromise and establish religious unity. On the other hand, his wife sympathized with the Monophysites.

During the period under review, Monophysitism, influential in the eastern provinces - in Syria and Egypt, was not united. At least two large groups stood out - the acephalians who did not compromise and those who accepted Zeno's Henotikon.

Monophysitism was declared a heresy at the Council of Chalcedon in 451. The Byzantine emperors preceding Justinian and the 6th century Flavius ​​Zeno and Anastasius I had a positive attitude towards Monophysitism, which only strained religious relations between Constantinople and the Roman bishops. Justin I reversed this trend and reaffirmed the Chalcedonian doctrine, which openly condemned Monophysitism. Justinian, who continued the religious policies of his uncle Justin, tried to impose absolute religious unity on his subjects by forcing them to accept compromises that satisfied all parties. Towards the end of his life, Justinian became harsher towards the Monophysites, especially in the case of manifestations of aphtharodocetism, but he died before he could introduce legislation that would increase the importance of his dogmas.

The defeat of Origenism

The spears of Alexandria have been broken around the teachings of Origen since the 3rd century. On the one hand, his works met with favorable attention from such great Fathers as John Chrysostom, Gregory of Nyssa, on the other hand, such major theologians as Peter of Alexandria, Epiphanius of Cyprus, Blessed Jerome attacked the Origenists, accusing them of paganism. Confusion in the debate surrounding the teachings of Origen was brought about by the fact that they began to attribute to him the ideas of some of his followers who gravitated towards Gnosticism - the main accusations brought against the Origenists were that they allegedly preached the transmigration of souls and apokatastasis. Nevertheless, the number of Origen's supporters grew, including such great theologians as the martyr Pamphilus (who wrote an Apology for Origen) and Eusebius of Caesarea, who had Origen's archives at his disposal.

The defeat of Origenism dragged on for 10 years. The future Pope Pelagius, who visited Palestine in the late 530s, passing through Constantinople, told Justinian that he did not find heresy in Origen, but order must be restored in the Great Lavra. After the death of Saint Sava the Sanctified, Saints Cyriacus, John the Hesychast and Barsanuphius came forward as defenders of the purity of monasticism. The Novolavra Origenists very quickly found influential supporters. In 541, under the leadership of Nonnus and Bishop Leontius, they attacked the Great Lavra and beat its inhabitants. Some of them fled to the Antiochian Patriarch Ephraim, who at the Council of 542 for the first time condemned the Origenists.

With the support of bishops Leontius, Domitian of Ancyra and Theodore of Caesarea, Nonnus demanded that Patriarch Peter of Jerusalem delete the name of Patriarch Ephraim of Antioch from the diptychs. This demand caused great unrest in the Orthodox world. Fearing the influential patrons of the Origenists and realizing the impossibility of fulfilling their demands, Patriarch Peter of Jerusalem secretly called on the archimandrites of the Great Lavra and the monastery of St. Theodosius Gelasius and Sophronius and ordered them to compose an essay against the Origenists, to which would be attached a petition to preserve the name of the Patriarch of Antioch Ephraim in the diptychs. The patriarch sent this work to Emperor Justinian himself, attaching to it his personal message, in which he described in detail all the evil teachings and iniquities of the Origenists. The Patriarch of Constantinople Mina, and especially the representative of the Pope Pelagius, warmly supported the appeal of the inhabitants of the Lavra of St. Sava. On this occasion, in 543 a council was held in Constantinople, at which Domitian of Ancyra, Theodore Askidas and the heresy of Origenism in general were condemned. .

Fifth Ecumenical Council

Justinian's conciliatory policy towards the Monophysites caused discontent in Rome and Pope Agapit I arrived in Constantinople in 535, who, together with the Orthodox Akimite party, expressed sharp rejection of the policy of Patriarch Anthimus, and Justinian was forced to yield. Anthimus was removed, and the convinced Orthodox presbyter Mina was appointed in his place.

Having made a concession on the issue of the patriarch, Justinian did not abandon further attempts at reconciliation with the Monophysites. To do this, the emperor raised the well-known question about the “three chapters,” that is, about three church writers of the 5th century, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret of Cyrrhus and Willow of Edessa, regarding whom the Monophysites reproached the Council of Chalcedon for the fact that the above-mentioned writers, despite their Nestorian way of thinking , were not convicted there. Justinian admitted that in this case the Monophysites were right and that the Orthodox should make a concession to them.

This desire of the emperor caused the indignation of the Western hierarchs, since they saw in this an encroachment on the authority of the Council of Chalcedon, which could be followed by a similar revision of the decisions of the Council of Nicaea. The question also arose whether it was possible to anathematize the dead, since all three writers died in the previous century. Finally, some Westerners were of the opinion that the emperor, by his decree, was committing violence against the conscience of church members. The latter doubt almost did not exist in the Eastern Church, where the intervention of imperial power in resolving dogmatic disputes was a long-term practice. As a result, Justinian’s decree did not receive church-wide significance.

In order to influence a positive resolution of the issue, Justinian summoned the then Pope Vigilius to Constantinople, where he lived for more than seven years. The initial position of the pope, who upon his arrival openly rebelled against the decree of Justinian and excommunicated the Patriarch of Constantinople Mina, changed and in 548 he issued a condemnation of the three heads, the so-called ludicatum, and thus added his voice to the voice of the four eastern patriarchs. However, the Western Church did not approve of Vigilius' concessions. Under the influence of the Western Church, the pope began to waver in his decision and took it back ludicatum. In such circumstances, Justinian decided to resort to convening an Ecumenical Council, which met in Constantinople in 553.

The results of the council turned out to be, in general, consistent with the will of the emperor.

Relations with pagans

Justinian took steps to completely eradicate the remnants of paganism. In 529 he closed the famous philosophical school in Athens. This had a predominantly symbolic meaning, since by the time of the event this school had lost its leading position among the educational institutions of the empire after the University of Constantinople was founded in the 5th century under Theodosius II. After the closure of the school under Justinian, Athenian professors were expelled, some of them moved to Persia, where they met an admirer of Plato in the person of Khosrow I; the school's property was confiscated. John of Ephesus wrote: “In the same year in which St. Benedict destroyed the last pagan national sanctuary in Italy, namely the temple of Apollo in the sacred grove on Monte Cassino, and the stronghold of ancient paganism in Greece was also destroyed." From then on, Athens finally lost its former significance as a cultural center and turned into a remote provincial city. Justinian did not achieve the complete eradication of paganism; it continued to hide in some inaccessible areas. Procopius of Caesarea writes that the persecution of pagans was carried out not so much out of a desire to establish Christianity, but rather out of a thirst to get their hands on the gold of pagan temples

Reforms

Political Views

Justinian inherited the throne without controversy, having managed to skillfully eliminate all prominent rivals in advance and gain the favor of influential groups in society; the church (even the popes) liked him for his strict Orthodoxy; he lured the senatorial aristocracy with the promise of support for all its privileges and captivated him with the respectful affection of his address; With the luxury of festivities and the generosity of distributions, he won the affection of the capital's lower classes. The opinions of contemporaries about Justinian were very different. Even in the assessment of Procopius, who serves as the main source for the history of the emperor, there are contradictions: in some works ("Wars" and "Buildings") he praises the excellent successes of Justinian's broad and bold conquering enterprises and admires his artistic genius, and in others ("Secret history") sharply denigrates his memory, calling the emperor an “evil fool” (μωροκακοήθης). All this greatly complicates the reliable restoration of the spiritual image of the king. Undoubtedly, mental and moral contrasts were inharmoniously intertwined in Justinian’s personality. He conceived extensive plans for increasing and strengthening the state, but did not have sufficient creative forces to build them completely and completely; he pretended to be a reformer, but could only well assimilate ideas that were not developed by him. He was simple, accessible and restrained in his habits - and at the same time, due to the conceit that grew from success, he surrounded himself with the most pompous etiquette and unprecedented luxury. His straightforwardness and a certain good-heartedness were gradually distorted by the treachery and deceit of the ruler, forced to constantly defend the successfully seized power from all kinds of dangers and attempts. The benevolence towards people, which he often showed, was spoiled by frequent revenge on his enemies. Generosity towards the distressed classes was combined in him with greed and promiscuity in the means of obtaining money to ensure representation consistent with his concepts of his own dignity. The desire for justice, which he constantly spoke about, was suppressed by the exorbitant thirst for domination and the arrogance that grew on such soil. He laid claims to unlimited authority, but in dangerous moments his will was often weak and indecisive; he fell under the influence not only of the strong character of his wife Theodora, but sometimes even of insignificant people, even revealing cowardice. All these virtues and vices gradually united around a prominent, pronounced tendency towards despotism. Under her influence, his piety turned into religious intolerance and was embodied in cruel persecution for deviating from his recognized faith. All this led to results of very mixed merit, and with them alone it is difficult to explain why Justinian was included in the category of “great”, and his reign acquired such great significance. The fact is that, in addition to the indicated properties, Justinian had remarkable tenacity in carrying out the accepted principles and a positively phenomenal ability to work. He wanted every smallest order concerning the political and administrative, religious and mental life of the empire to come from him personally and every controversial issue in the same areas to return to him. The best interpretation of the historical figure of the tsar is the fact that this native of the dark mass of the provincial peasantry was able to firmly and firmly assimilate two grandiose ideas bequeathed to him by the tradition of the great world past: the Roman (idea of ​​a world monarchy) and the Christian (idea of ​​the kingdom of God). The combination of both into one theory and the implementation of the latter through the secular state constitutes the originality of the concept, which became the essence of the political doctrine of the Byzantine Empire; Justinian's case is the first attempt to formulate the system and its implementation in life. A world state created by the will of an autocratic sovereign - such was the dream that the king cherished from the very beginning of his reign. He intended to use arms to return the lost old Roman territories, then to give a general law that would ensure the well-being of the inhabitants, and finally to establish a faith that would unite all peoples in the worship of the one true God. These are the three foundations on which Justinian hoped to build his power. He unshakably believed in him: “there is nothing higher and holier than the imperial majesty”; “the creators of the law themselves said that the will of the monarch has the force of law”; “Who can interpret the secrets and riddles of the law if not the one who alone can create it?”; “He alone is capable of spending days and nights in work and wakefulness in order to think about the good of the people.” Even among the high-born emperors there was no person who, to a greater extent than Justinian, had a sense of imperial dignity and admiration for Roman tradition. All his decrees and letters are filled with memories of Great Rome, from whose history he drew inspiration

Justinian was the first to clearly contrast the will of the people with the “mercy of God” as the source of supreme power. From his time, the theory arose about the emperor as “equal to the apostles” (ίσαπόστολος), receiving grace directly from God and standing above the state and above the church. God helps him defeat his enemies and make fair laws. Justinian's wars already take on the character of crusades (wherever the emperor is master, the right faith will shine). He places every act “under the protection of St. Trinity". Justinian is, as it were, the forerunner or ancestor of a long chain of “God’s anointed” in history. This construction of power (Roman-Christian) inspired broad initiative in Justinian’s activities, made his will an attractive center and point of application of many other energies, thanks to which his reign achieved truly significant results. He himself said: “Never before the time of our reign did God grant the Romans such victories... Thank heaven, inhabitants of the whole world: in your days a great deed was accomplished, which God recognized as unworthy of the entire ancient world.” Justinian left many evils uncured, many new disasters were caused by his policies, but nevertheless, his greatness was glorified almost during his time by a popular legend that arose in various areas. All countries that subsequently took advantage of his legislation magnified his glory.

Government reforms

Simultaneously with military successes, Justinian began strengthening the state apparatus and improving taxation. These reforms were so unpopular that they led to the Nika rebellion, which nearly cost him his throne.

Administrative reforms were carried out:

• Combination of civil and military positions.
• the prohibition of remuneration for positions and the increase in salaries for officials indicate his desire to limit arbitrariness and corruption.
• The official was forbidden to buy land where he served.

Because he often worked at night, he was nicknamed the “sleepless sovereign” (Greek. βασιλεύς άκοιμητος ).

Legal reforms

One of Justinian's first projects was a large-scale legal reform, initiated by him a little more than six months after ascending the throne.

Using the talent of his minister Tribonian, Justinian ordered a complete revision of Roman law, with the goal of making it as unsurpassed in formal legal terms as it had been three centuries earlier. The three main components of Roman law - the Digest, the Justinian Code and the Institutes - were completed in the city.

Economic reforms

Memory

In old literature it is often called [ by whom?] Justinian the Great. Considered a saint by the Orthodox Church, he is also revered by some [ Who?] by Protestant churches.

Results of the board

Emperor Justin II tried to characterize the outcome of his uncle’s reign

“We found the treasury ravaged by debt and reduced to extreme poverty, and the army so disorganized that the state was left to continuous invasions and raids of barbarians.”

According to Diehl, the second part of the emperor’s reign was marked by a serious weakening of his attention to state affairs. The turning points in the tsar’s life were the plague that Justinian suffered in 542 and the death of Fedora in 548. However, there is also a positive view of the results of the Emperor’s reign.

Image in literature

Eulogies

Literary works written during Justinian’s lifetime have survived to this day, in which either his reign as a whole or his individual achievements were glorified. Usually these include: “Admonishing chapters to the Emperor Justinian” by Deacon Agapit, “On Buildings” by Procopius of Caesarea, “Ekphrasis of St. Sophia” by Paul the Silentiary, “On Earthquakes and Fires” by Roman Sladkopevets and the anonymous “Dialogue on Political Science.”

In "The Divine Comedy"

Other

• Nikolay Gumilyov. "Poisoned Tunic". Play.
• Harold Lamb. "Theodora and the Emperor". Novel.
• Nun Cassia (T. A. Senina). "Justinian and Theodora". Story.
• Mikhail Kazovsky “The Stomp of the Bronze Horse”, historical novel (2008)
• Kay, Guy Gavriel, dilogy “Sarantian Mosaic” - Emperor Valerius II.
• V. D. Ivanov. "Primordial Rus'". Novel. Film adaptation of this novel

The west of the Roman Empire, captured by the Germans, who divided it into barbarian kingdoms, lay in ruins. Only islands and fragments of the Hellenistic civilization, which by that time had already been transformed by the light of the Gospel, were preserved there. The German kings - Catholic, Arian, pagan - still had reverence for the Roman name, but the center of gravity for them was no longer the dilapidated, devastated and depopulated city on the Tiber, but New Rome, created by the creative act of St. Constantine on the European shore of the Bosphorus, cultural superiority which over the cities of the West was indisputably obvious.

The original Latin-speaking, as well as Latinized, inhabitants of the Germanic kingdoms adopted the ethnonyms of their conquerors and masters - the Goths, Franks, Burgundians, while the Roman name long ago became familiar to the former Hellenes, who ceded their original ethnonym, which fed their national pride in the past, to the small ones in the east empires to the pagans. Paradoxically, subsequently in our Rus', at least in the writings of learned monks, pagans of any origin, even Samoyeds, are called “Hellenes.” People from other nations - Armenians, Syrians, Copts - also called themselves Romans, or, in Greek, Romans, if they were Christians and citizens of the empire, which was identified in their minds with the ecumene - the Universe, not, of course, because they imagined on its borders is the edge of the world, but because the world lying beyond these borders was deprived of fullness and self-worth in their consciousness and in this sense belonged to pitch darkness - meon, in need of enlightenment and sharing the benefits of Christian Roman civilization, in need of integration into the true ecumene, or, what is the same, to the Roman Empire. From then on, the newly baptized peoples, regardless of their actual political status, were, by the very fact of baptism, considered included in the imperial body, and their rulers from barbarian sovereigns became tribal archons, whose powers stemmed from the emperors, in whose service they were, at least symbolically , entered, receiving ranks from the palace nomenklatura as a reward.

In Western Europe, the era from the 6th to the 9th centuries is the dark ages, and the East of the empire experienced during this period, despite crises, external threats and territorial losses, a brilliant flourishing, reflections of which were cast to the west, which is why it was not overturned as a result of the barbaric conquest into the mother's womb of prehistoric existence, as happened in its time with the Mycenaean civilization, destroyed by immigrants from Macedonia and Epirus, conventionally called Dorians, who invaded its borders. The Dorians of the Christian era - Germanic barbarians - stood no higher than the ancient conquerors of Achaia in terms of their level of cultural development, but, finding themselves within the empire and turning the conquered provinces into ruins, they fell into the field of attraction of the fabulously rich and beautiful world capital - New Rome, which withstood the blows of human elements and learned to appreciate the ties that bound their people to him.

The era ended with the assimilation of the imperial title to the Frankish king Charles, and more precisely and definitely - with the failure of attempts to settle relations between the newly proclaimed emperor and the successive emperor - St. Irene - so that the empire remained united and indivisible if it had two rulers with the same title, as has happened many times happened in the past. The failure of negotiations led to the formation of a separate empire in the West, which, from the point of view of political and legal traditions, was an act of usurpation. The unity of Christian Europe was undermined, but not completely destroyed, for the peoples of the East and West of Europe remained for another two and a half centuries in the bosom of a single Church.

The period that lasted from the 6th to the turn of the 8th–9th centuries is called Early Byzantine after the anachronistic, but still sometimes used in these centuries in relation to the capital - and never to the empire and state - ancient toponym Byzantium, reanimated by historians of modern times, for whom it began to serve as a name both the state and civilization itself. Within this period, its most brilliant segment, its acme and apogee, was the era of Justinian the Great, which began with the reign of his uncle Justin the Elder and ended in unrest that led to the overthrow of the legitimate emperor of Mauritius and the rise to power of the usurper Phocas. The emperors who reigned after Saint Justinian until the rebellion of Phocas were directly or indirectly related to the dynasty of Justin.

Reign of Justin the Elder

After the death of Anastasius, his nephews, Master of the East Hypatius and the consulars of Probus and Pompey, could claim supreme power, but the dynastic principle in itself meant nothing in the Roman Empire without support from real power and the army. The nephews, having no support from the Excuvites (Life Guards), did not seem to lay claim to power. The eunuch Amantius, who enjoyed special influence over the late emperor, the preposit of the sacred bedchamber (a kind of minister of the court), tried to install his nephew and bodyguard Theocritus as emperor, for which purpose, according to Evagrius Scholasticus, he called upon the committee of the Excuvites and senator Justin, “transferred to him great wealth, ordering the distribution them among people who are especially useful and capable of (helping) Theocritus to put on purple clothing. Having bribed either the people or the so-called excuvites with these riches... (Justin himself) seized power.” According to the version of John Malala, Justin conscientiously fulfilled the order of Amantius and distributed money to the Excuvites subordinate to him so that they would support the candidacy of Theocritus, and “the army and people, having taken (the money), did not want to make Theocritus king, but by the will of God they made Justin king.”

According to another and quite convincing version, which, however, does not contradict the information about the distribution of gifts in favor of Theocritus, at first the traditionally rival guards units (the technology of power in the empire provided for a system of counterweights) - the Excuvites and the Schola - had different candidates for supreme power. The Excuvites raised on their shield the tribune John, a comrade-in-arms of Justin, who soon after the acclamation of his superior by the emperor became a cleric and was made metropolitan of Heraclea, and the scholae proclaimed the master of the militum praesentalis (army stationed in the capital) Patricius emperor. The threat of civil war thus arising was averted by the decision of the Senate to install as emperor the elderly and popular military leader Justin, who, shortly before the death of Anastasius, defeated the rebellious troops of the usurper Vitalian. The Excuvites approved this choice, the Scholas agreed with it, and the people gathered at the hippodrome welcomed Justin.

On July 10, 518, Justin entered the box of the hippodrome along with Patriarch John II and the highest dignitaries. Then he stood on the shield, the campidductor Godila placed a gold chain - a hryvnia - around his neck. The shield was raised to the greetings of the soldiers and people. The banners flew up. The only innovation, according to the observation of J. Dagron, was the fact that the newly proclaimed emperor after the acclamation “did not return to the triclinium of the lodge to receive the insignia,” but the soldiers lined up “turtle-like” to hide him “from prying eyes” while “the patriarch laid a crown on his head" and "clothed him in a chlamys." Then the herald, on behalf of the emperor, announced a welcoming address to the troops and people, in which he called on Divine Providence for help in his service to the people and the state. Each warrior was promised 5 gold coins and a pound of silver as a gift.

A verbal portrait of the new emperor is available in the “Chronicle” of John Malala: “He was short, broad-chested, with gray curly hair, a beautiful nose, ruddy, handsome.” To the description of the emperor’s appearance, the historian adds: “experienced in military affairs, ambitious, but illiterate.”

At that time, Justin was already approaching 70 years of age - at that time it was the age of extreme old age. He was born around 450 into a peasant family in the village of Bederiane (located near the modern Serbian city of Leskovac). In this case, he, and therefore his more famous nephew Justinian the Great, comes from the same Inner Dacia as St. Constantine, who was born in Naissa. Some historians find Justin's homeland in the south of the modern Macedonian state - near Bitola. Both ancient and modern authors designate the ethnic origin of the dynasty differently: Procopius calls Justin an Illyrian, and Evagrius and John Malalas a Thracian. The version of the Thracian origin of the new dynasty seems less convincing. Despite the name of the province where Justin was born, Inner Dacia was not true Dacia. After the evacuation of the Roman legions from real Dacia, its name was transferred to the province adjacent to it, where at one time the legions were redeployed, leaving Dacia conquered by Trajan, and in its population it was not the Thracian, but the Illyrian element that predominated. Moreover, within the Roman Empire, by the middle of the 1st millennium, the process of Romanization and Hellenization of the Thracians had already been completed or was being completed, while one of the Illyrian peoples - the Albanians - has safely survived to this day. A. Vasiliev definitely considers Justin an Illyrian; to one degree or another he was, of course, a Romanized Illyrian. Despite the fact that his native language was the language of his ancestors, he, like his fellow villagers and all residents of Inner Dacia in general, as well as neighboring Dardania, at least knew Latin. In any case, Justin had to master it in military service.

For a long time, the version of the Slavic origin of Justin and Justinian was seriously considered. At the beginning of the 17th century, the Vatican librarian Alemmann published a biography of Justinian, attributed to a certain Abbot Theophilus, named his mentor. And in this biography, Justinian was given the name “Upravda”. In this name one can easily guess the Slavic translation of the Latin name of the emperor. The infiltration of Slavs across the imperial border into the central part of the Balkans took place in the 5th century, although at that time it was not of a massive nature and did not yet pose a serious danger. Therefore, the version of the Slavic origin of the dynasty was not rejected out of hand. But, as A.A. writes Vasiliev, “the manuscript that Alemann used was found and examined at the end of the 19th century (1883) by the English scientist Bryce, who showed that this manuscript, being compiled at the beginning of the 17th century, is of a legendary nature and has no historical value.”

During the reign of Emperor Leo, Justin, together with his fellow villagers Zimarchus and Ditivist, went into military service to get rid of poverty. “They reached Byzantium on foot, carrying goat’s sheepskin coats on their shoulders, in which upon arrival in the city they had nothing but biscuits taken from the house. Included in the lists of soldiers, they were selected by the basileus to serve as court guards, because they were distinguished by their excellent physique.” The imperial career of a poor peasant, fantastically unthinkable in medieval Western Europe, was an ordinary phenomenon and even typical of the late Roman and Roman Empire, just as similar metamorphoses were repeated more than once in the history of China.

While serving in the guard, Justin acquired a concubine, whom he later took as his wife - Lupicina, a former slave whom he bought from her master and partner. Having become empress, Lupicina changed her common name to an aristocratic one. According to Procopius’s caustic remark, “she did not appear in the palace under her own name (it was too funny), but began to be called Euphemia.”

Possessing courage, common sense, and diligence, Justin made a successful military career, rising to the rank of officer and then general. In his career, he also had breakdowns. One of them was preserved in the annals, because after the rise of Justin it received a providential interpretation among the people. The story of this episode is included by Procopius in his Secret History. During the suppression of the Isaurian rebellion during the reign of Anastasius, Justin was in the active army, commanded by John, nicknamed Kirt - “Humpbacked”. And so, for an unknown offense, John arrested Justin in order to “put him to death the next day, but he was prevented from doing this by... a vision... In a dream, someone of enormous stature appeared to him... And this vision ordered him to free his husband, whom he... threw into prison ". John at first did not attach any significance to the dream, but the dream vision was repeated the next night and then a third time; the husband who appeared in the vision threatened Kirt “to prepare a terrible fate for him if he does not carry out what was ordered, and added that subsequently ... he will extremely need this man and his relatives. This is how Justin happened to survive then,” Procopius sums up his anecdote, possibly based on the story of Kirtus himself.

Anonymous Valesia tells another story, which, according to popular rumor, foreshadowed Justin, when he was already one of the dignitaries close to Anastasius, supreme power. Having reached a ripe old age, Anastasius was thinking about which of his nephews should become his successor. And then one day, in order to guess the will of God, he invited all three to his chambers and after dinner left them to spend the night in the palace. “He ordered to put the royal (sign) at the head of one bed, and by which one of them chooses this bed for rest, he will be able to determine to whom to give power later. One of them lay down on one bed, while the other two, out of brotherly love, lay down together on the second bed. And... the bed where the royal sign was hidden turned out to be unoccupied. When he saw this, on reflection, he decided that none of them would rule, and began to pray to God to send him a revelation... And one night he saw in a dream a man who told him: “The first one about whom you will be informed tomorrow in your chambers, and he will take power after you.” It so happened that Justin... as soon as he arrived, was sent to the emperor, and he was the first to be reported... by the preposit." Anastasius, according to Anonymous, “gave gratitude to God for showing him a worthy heir,” and yet, humanly, Anastasius was upset by what had happened: “Once during the royal exit, Justin, hastening to express respect, wanted to walk around the emperor on the side and involuntarily stepped on on his robe. To this the emperor only said to him: “Where are you hurrying?”

In climbing the career ladder, Justin was not hindered by his illiteracy, and, according to Procopius’s probably exaggerated assessment, illiteracy. The author of the “Secret History” wrote that, having become emperor, Justin found it difficult to sign the edicts and constitutions issued, and so that he could still do this, a “small smooth tablet” was made, on which “the outline of four letters” was cut, meaning in Latin “Read” (Legi. - Prot. V.Ts.); Having dipped the pen in the colored ink with which basileus usually write, they handed it to this basileus. Then, placing the said tablet on the document and taking the basileus’s hand, they traced the outline of these four letters with a pen.” Given the high degree of barbarization of the army, illiterate military leaders were often placed at its head. This does not mean at all that they were mediocre generals, on the contrary - in other cases, illiterate and illiterate generals turned out to be outstanding commanders. Turning to other times and peoples, we can point out that Charlemagne, although he loved to read and highly valued classical education, did not know how to write. Justin, who became famous under Anastasia for his successful participation in the war with Iran and then, shortly before his ascension to the pinnacle of power, for suppressing the rebellion of Vitalian in the decisive naval battle near the walls of the capital, was, at the very least, a capable military leader and a prudent administrator and politician, as eloquently says popular rumor: Anastasius thanked God when it was revealed to him that he would become his successor, and therefore Justin does not deserve Procopius’ contemptuous characteristics: “He was completely simple (hardly so, probably only in appearance, in manners. - Prot. V.Ts.), could not speak well and was generally very masculine”; and even: “He was extremely weak-minded and truly like a pack donkey, capable only of following the one who pulls his bridle, and every now and then shaking his ears.” The meaning of this abusive philippic is that Justin was not an independent ruler, that he was manipulated. In Procopius’s view, such a sinister manipulator, a kind of “gray eminence,” turned out to be the emperor’s nephew Justinian.

He truly surpassed his uncle in abilities, and even more so in education, and willingly helped him in the affairs of government, enjoying complete trust on his part. Another assistant to the emperor was the outstanding lawyer Proclus, who from 522 to 526 served as quaestor of the sacred court and headed the imperial office.

The first days of Justin's reign were stormy. The prepositor of the sacred bedchamber, Amantius, and his nephew Theocritus, whom he predicted to be the heir of Anastasius, not accepting the unfortunate defeat, the failure of their intrigue, “planned,” according to Theophan the Confessor, “to cause outrage, but paid with their lives.” The circumstances of the conspiracy are unknown. Procopius presented the execution of the conspirators in a different form, unfavorable for Justin and especially Justinian, whom he considers the main culprit of what happened: “Not even ten days passed after he achieved power (meaning the proclamation of Justin as emperor. - Prot. V.Ts), how he killed, along with some others, the head of the court eunuchs, Amantius, without any reason, except because he said a rash word to the bishop of the city, John.” The mention of Patriarch John II of Constantinople sheds light on the possible spring of the conspiracy. The fact is that Justin and his nephew Justinian, unlike Anastasius, were adherents, and they were burdened by the severance of Eucharistic communion with Rome. They considered overcoming the schism and restoring the church unity of the West and the East to be the main goal of their policy, especially since Justinian the Great saw the prospect of restoring the Roman Empire in its former fullness behind the achievement of this goal. Their like-minded person was the newly installed primate of the capital’s Church, John. It seems that in his desperate attempt to replay the already played game by eliminating Justin, the preposite of the sacred bedchamber wanted to rely on those dignitaries who, like the late emperor, gravitated toward Monophysitism and who were little concerned about the break in canonical communication with the Roman See. According to the monophysite John of Nikius, who refers to the emperor only as Justin the Cruel, after coming to power, he “put to death all the eunuchs, regardless of the degree of their guilt, since they did not approve of his accession to the throne.” Obviously, other eunuchs in the palace were Monophysites, in addition to the preposite of the sacred bedchamber who was in charge over them.

Anastasius Vitalian tried to rely on adherents of Orthodoxy in his rebellion against him. And now, in a new situation, despite the fact that he himself played a decisive role in the defeat of the rebel, Justin now, perhaps on the advice of his nephew, decided to bring Vitalian closer to himself. Vitalian was appointed to the highest military position of commander of the army stationed in the capital and its environs - magister militum praesentalis - and was even awarded the title of consul for 520, which in that era was usually held by the emperor, members of the imperial house with the titles of Augustus or Caesar, and only the most high-ranking dignitaries from persons who are not close relatives of the autocrat.

But already in January 520, Vitalian was killed in the palace. At the same time, he was inflicted 16 dagger wounds. Among Byzantine authors we find three main versions regarding the organizers of his murder. According to one of them, he was killed by order of the emperor, since he learned that he “planned to rebel against him.” This is the version of John Nikius, in whose eyes Vitalian was especially odious because, close to the emperor, he insisted that the Monophysite Patriarch of Antioch Sevirus have his tongue cut for his “sermons full of wisdom and accusations against the Emperor Leo and his vicious faith.” , in other words, against the Orthodox diaphysite dogma. Procopius of Caesarea in the “Secret History,” written with the fury of one obsessed with hatred of Saint Justinian, names him as the culprit of Vitalian’s death: having ruled autocratically in the name of his uncle, Justinian at first “hurriedly sent for the usurper Vitalian, having previously given him a guarantee of his safety,” but “ soon, suspecting him of having insulted him, he killed him for no reason in the palace along with his relatives, not at all considering the terrible oaths he had previously made as an obstacle to this.” However, the version presented much later, but probably based on no surviving documentary sources, deserves more confidence. Thus, according to Theophan the Confessor, a writer at the turn of the 8th–9th centuries, Vitalian was “killed in an insidious manner by those of the Byzantines who were angry with him for the extermination of so many of their compatriots during his rebellion against Anastasius.” A reason to suspect Justinian of a conspiracy against Vitalian could be given by the fact that after his murder he took the post of master of the army, which became vacant, although in reality the emperor’s nephew undoubtedly had more direct and irreproachable paths to the highest posts in the state, so this is a serious argument this circumstance cannot serve.

But what act of the emperor his nephew was really involved in was the restoration of the Eucharistic communion with the Roman Church, which was broken during the reign of Zeno in connection with the publication of the notorious “Enotikon”, the initiative of which belonged to Patriarch Acacius, so that this break itself, which continued during 35 years old, in Rome received the name “Acacian schism.” On Easter 519, after extremely difficult negotiations conducted by the papal legates in Constantinople, a divine service was held in the capital's Church of Hagia Sophia with the participation of Patriarch John and the papal legates. Justinian was prompted to take this step not only by his shared commitment to the Chalcedonian oros, but also by his concern to remove obstacles (among which one of the most difficult was the church schism) for the implementation of the grandiose plan he had already outlined for restoring the integrity of the Roman Empire.

The government was distracted from the execution of this plan by various circumstances, and among them was the renewed war on the eastern border. This war was preceded by a rare occurrence in the history of relations between Iran and Rome, not only a peaceful, but also a directly friendly phase, established in the first years of Justin's reign. Since the end of the 5th century, Iran has been shaken by the confrontation caused by the teachings of Mazdak, who preached utopian social ideas similar to chiliasm, which grew on Christian soil: about universal equality and the abolition of private property, including the introduction of a community of wives; he received massive support from the common people and that part of the military aristocracy, which was burdened by the religious monopoly of the Zoroastrian magicians. Among the enthusiasts of Mazdakism were people who belonged to the Shah dynasty. Mazdak's preaching captivated Shah Kavad himself, but later he became disillusioned with this utopia, seeing in it a direct threat to the state, turned away from Mazdak and began to persecute both him and his supporters. Being already old, the Shah made sure that after his death the throne would go to his youngest son Khosrov Anushirvan, who was closely associated with the circles of zealous adherents of traditional Zoroastrianism, bypassing his eldest son Kaos, whose upbringing Kavad, at the time of his passion for Mazdakism, entrusted to the zealots of this teaching, and he , unlike his father, who changed his views, remained a Mazdakite in his convictions.

In order to acquire an additional guarantee of the transfer of power to Khosrow, Kavad decided to enlist support in case of critical developments from Rome and sent a message to Justin, which was retold by Procopius of Caesarea (not in his “Secret History”, but in the more trustworthy book “The War with the Persians” ) looks like this: “You yourself know that we suffered injustice from the Romans, but I decided to completely forget all the grievances against you... However, for all this I ask you for one favor, which... would be able to give us in all the blessings of the world abound. I suggest you make my Khosrow, who will be the successor to my power, your adopted son.” This was an idea that mirrored the situation a century ago, when, at the request of Emperor Arcadius, Shah Yazdegerd took under his wing the infant successor of Arcadius Theodosius II.

Kavad's message delighted both Justin and Justinian, who did not see a catch in it, but the quaestor of the sacred court, Proclus (whose praise Procopius does not skimp on in both the history of wars and in the "Secret History", where he contrasts him with another outstanding lawyer Tribonian and Justinian himself as a supporter of existing laws and an opponent of legislative reforms) saw in the Shah’s proposal a danger to the Roman state. Addressing Justin, he said: “I am not accustomed to put my hand to anything that smacks of innovation... knowing full well that the desire for innovation is always fraught with danger... In my opinion, we are now talking about nothing more than under a plausible pretext to transfer the state of the Romans to the Persians... For... this embassy from the very beginning has the goal of making this Khosrow, whoever he may be, the heir of the Roman basileus... By natural law, the property of fathers belongs to their children.” Proclus managed to convince Justin and his nephew of the danger of Kavad's proposal, but, on his own advice, it was decided not to refuse him his request directly, but to send envoys to him to negotiate a peace - until then only a truce was in effect, and the question of borders were not settled. As for the adoption of Khosrow by Justin, the ambassadors will have to declare that it will be accomplished “as it happens among the barbarians,” and “the barbarians carry out adoption not with the help of letters, but by handing over weapons and armor.” The experienced and overly cautious politician Proclus and, as can be seen, the cunning Levantine Procopius, who fully sympathized with his distrust, were hardly right in their suspicion, and the first reaction to the Shah’s proposal on the part of the rulers of Rome, originally from the Illyrian rural hinterland, could have been more adequate , but they changed their minds and followed the advice of Proclus.

The nephew of the late emperor, Anastasia Hypatius, and the patrician Rufin, who had friendly relations with the Shah, were sent for negotiations. From the Iranian side, high-ranking dignitaries Seos, or Siyavush, and Mevod (Mahbod) took part in the negotiations. Negotiations took place on the border of the two states. When discussing the terms of the peace treaty, the stumbling block turned out to be the Laz country, which in ancient times was called Colchis. Since the time of Emperor Leo, it was lost to Rome and was in the sphere of influence of Iran. But shortly before these negotiations, after the death of the Laz king Damnaz, his son Tsaf did not want to turn to the Shah with a request to grant him the royal title; instead, he went to Constantinople in 523, was baptized there, and became a vassal of the Roman state. During the negotiations, Iranian envoys demanded the return of Lazika to the supreme authority of the Shah, but this demand was rejected as insulting. In turn, the Iranian side considered the proposal to adopt Khosrow by Justin according to the rite of barbarian peoples an “unbearable insult.” The negotiations reached a dead end and it was not possible to agree on anything.

The response to the breakdown of negotiations on the part of Kavad was repression against the Ivers, closely related to the Laz, who, according to Procopius, “are Christians and better than all the peoples known to us, they keep the charters of this faith, but from ancient times ... have been subordinate to the Persian king. Kavad decided to forcibly convert them to his faith. He demanded from their king Gurgen that he perform all the rituals that the Persians adhere to, and, among other things, under no circumstances bury the dead, but throw them all to be devoured by birds and dogs.” King Gurgen, or, in another way, Bakur, turned to Justin for help, and he sent the nephew of Emperor Anastasius, patrician Provos, to the Cimmerian Bosporus, so that the ruler of this state, for a monetary reward, would send his troops against the Persians to help Gurgen. But Prov's mission did not bring results. The ruler of Bosporus refused help, and the Persian army occupied Georgia. Gurgen, along with his family and Georgian nobility, fled to Lazika, where they continued to resist the Persians who had now invaded Lazika.

Rome went to war with Iran. In the country of the Laz, in the powerful fortress of Petra, located near the modern village of Tsikhisdziri, between Batum and Kobuleti, a Roman garrison was stationed, but the main theater of military operations became the region familiar to the wars of the Romans with the Persians - Armenia and Mesopotamia. The Roman army entered Perso-Armenia under the command of the young commanders Sitta and Belisarius, who had the rank of Justinian’s spearmen, and troops led by the master of the army of the East Livelarius moved against the Mesopotamian city of Nisibis. Sitta and Belisarius acted successfully, they ravaged the country into which their armies entered, and, “capturing many Armenians, they retired to their own borders.” But the second invasion of the Romans into Perso-Armenia under the command of the same military leaders was unsuccessful: they were defeated by the Armenians, whose leaders were two brothers from the noble family of Kamsarakans - Narses and Aratiy. True, soon after this victory both brothers betrayed the Shah and went over to the side of Rome. Meanwhile, Livelarius' army during the campaign suffered the main losses not from the enemy, but due to the sweltering heat, and in the end was forced to retreat.

In 527, Justin dismissed the unlucky military leader, appointing instead Anastasius Hypatius's nephew Anastasius Hypatius as master of the army of the East, and Belisarius as dux of Mesopotamia, who was entrusted with command of the troops that retreated from Nisibis and were stationed in Dara. Talking about these movements, the historian of the war with the Persians did not fail to note: “At the same time, Procopius was appointed to him as an adviser” - that is, he himself.

During the reign of Justin, Rome provided armed support to the distant Ethiopian kingdom with its capital in Axum. The Christian king of Ethiopia, Caleb, waged war with the king of Yemen, who patronized the local Jews. And with the help of Rome, the Ethiopians managed to defeat Yemen, restoring the dominance of the Christian religion in this country, located on the other side of the Bab el-Mandeb Strait. A.A. Vasiliev notes in this regard: “At the first moment we are surprised to see how the Orthodox Justin, who ... launched an offensive against the Monophysites in his own empire, supports the Monophysite Ethiopian king. However, beyond the official boundaries of the empire, the Byzantine emperor supported Christianity as a whole... From a foreign policy point of view, the Byzantine emperors viewed every conquest for Christianity as an important political and perhaps economic conquest." In connection with these events in Ethiopia, a legend subsequently developed that acquired official status, included in the book “Kebra Negast” (“Glory of Kings”), according to which two kings - Justin and Caleb - met in Jerusalem and there they divided the entire land between themselves, but in this case, the worst part of it went to Rome, and the best part to the king of Aksum, because he has a more noble origin - from Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, and his people are therefore God's chosen New Israel - one of many examples of naive messianic megalomania.

In the 520s, the Roman Empire suffered from several earthquakes that destroyed large cities in different parts of the state, including Dyrrachium (Durres), Corinth, Anazarb in Cilicia, but the most disastrous in its consequences was the earthquake that struck the metropolis of Antioch with about 1 million inhabitants . As Theophan the Confessor writes, on May 20, 526, “at 7 o’clock in the afternoon, during the consulate in Rome, Olivria, the great Antioch of Syria, through the wrath of God, suffered an unspeakable disaster... Almost the entire city collapsed and became a grave for the inhabitants. Some, while under the ruins, became alive victims of fire coming out of the ground; another fire fell from the air in the form of sparks and, like lightning, burned whomever it met; at the same time, the earth shook for a whole year.” Up to 250 thousand Antiochians, led by their patriarch Euphrasius, fell victim to the natural disaster. The restoration of Antioch required enormous expenses and lasted for decades.

From the very beginning of his reign, Justin relied on the help of his nephew. On April 4, 527, the very old and seriously ill emperor appointed Justinian as his co-emperor with the title of Augustus. Emperor Justin died on August 1, 527. Before his death, he experienced excruciating pain from an old wound in his leg, which was pierced by an enemy arrow in one of the battles. Some historians retroactively give him a different diagnosis - cancer. In his best years, Justin, although illiterate, was distinguished by considerable abilities - otherwise he would not have made a career as a military leader, much less would have become an emperor. “In Justina,” according to F.I. Uspensky, “one should see a man fully prepared for political activity, who brought to the administration certain experience and a well-thought-out plan... The main fact of Justin’s activity is the end of a long church dispute with the West,” which in other words can be described as the restoration of Orthodoxy in the east of the empire after the long dominance of Monophysitism.

Justinian and Theodora

After the death of Justin, his nephew and co-emperor Justinian, who at that time already bore the title of Augustus, remained the only emperor. The beginning of his sole and, in this sense, monarchical rule did not cause confusion either in the palace, or in the capital, or in the empire.

Before the rise of his uncle, the future emperor was called Peter Savvaty. He named himself Justinian in honor of his uncle Justin, and then, having already become emperor, as his predecessors did, the family name of the first Christian autocrat Constantine was Flavius, so that in the consular diptych of 521 his name reads Flavius ​​Peter Savvatius Justinian. He was born in 482 or 483 in the village of Taurisia near Bederiana, the native village of his maternal uncle Justin, into a poor peasant family of Sabbatius and Vigilance, of Illyrian, according to Procopius, or, less likely, Thracian origin. But even in the rural outback of Illyricum at that time they used, in addition to the local language, Latin, and Justinian knew it from childhood. And then, finding himself in the capital, under the patronage of his uncle, who made a brilliant career as a general during the reign of Anastasius, Justinian, who had extraordinary abilities, inexhaustible curiosity and exceptional diligence, mastered the Greek language and received a thorough and comprehensive, but predominantly, as can be concluded from The range of his later activities and interests included legal and theological education, although he was also versed in mathematics, rhetoric, philosophy and history. One of his teachers in the capital was the outstanding theologian Leontius of Byzantium.

Having no inclination for military affairs, in which Justin excelled remarkably, he developed as an armchair and bookish man, equally well prepared for both academic and government activities. However, Justinian began his career under Emperor Anastasia with an officer position in the palace schola of the Excuvites under the command of his uncle. He enriched his experience by staying for several years at the court of the Ostrogothic king Theodoric the Great as a diplomatic agent of the Roman government. There he got to know the Latin West, Italy and the Arian barbarians better.

During the reign of Justin, becoming his closest assistant and then co-ruler, Justinian was awarded the honorary titles and titles of senator, comite and patrician. In 520 he was appointed consul for the following year. The festivities that took place on this occasion were accompanied by “the most expensive games and performances on the hippodrome that Constantinople has ever known. At least 20 lions, 30 panthers and an unknown number of other exotic animals were killed in a large circus." At one time, Justinian served as master of the army of the East; in April 527, shortly before the death of Justin, he was proclaimed Augustus, becoming not only de facto, but now also de jure co-ruler of his uncle, who was already dying. This ceremony took place modestly, in Justin’s personal chambers, “from which his serious illness no longer allowed him to leave,” “in the presence of Patriarch Epiphanius and other high dignitaries.”

We find a verbal portrait of Justinian in Procopius: “He was not big and not too small, but of average height, not thin, but slightly plump; His face was round and not without beauty, for even after two days of fasting there was a blush on him. To give an idea of ​​his appearance in a few words, I will say that he was very similar to Domitian, the son of Vespasian,” whose statues have survived. This description can be trusted, especially since it corresponds not only to the miniature relief portraits on coins, but also to the mosaic images of Justinian in the Ravenna churches of St. Apollinaris and St. Vitalius and the porphyry statue in the Venetian temple of St. Mark.

But it is hardly worth trusting the same Procopius when he is in the “Secret History” (otherwise called “Anekdote”, which means “Unpublished”, so this conventional title of the book, due to its peculiar content, subsequently came into use as a designation of the corresponding genre - biting and caustic, but not necessarily reliable stories) characterizes the character and moral rules of Justinian. At the very least, his evil and biased assessments, so contrasting with other statements, already of a panegyric tone, with which he abundantly equipped his history of wars and especially the treatise “On Buildings,” should be taken critically. But, given the extreme degree of irritable hostility with which Procopius writes about the personality of the emperor in the Secret History, there is no reason to doubt the validity of the characteristics placed in it, representing Justinian from the best side, regardless of whether - positive, negative or dubious - in the world they were seen by the author himself with his special hierarchy of ethical values. “For Justinian,” he writes, “everything went easy... because he... did without sleep and was the most accessible person in the world. People, even humble and completely unknown, had every opportunity not only to come to the tyrant, but also to have a secret conversation with him”; “in the Christian faith he... was firm”; “He, one might say, had almost no need for sleep and never ate or drank to his fullest, but it was enough for him to barely touch food with his fingertips to stop eating. As if this seemed to him a secondary matter, imposed by nature, for he often remained without food for two days, especially when the time came on the eve of the celebration of the so-called Easter. Then often... he remained without food for two days, content with a small amount of water and wild plants, and, having slept, God willing, for an hour, spent the rest of the time in constant pacing.”

Procopius wrote in more detail about Justinian’s ascetic asceticism in his book “On Buildings”: “He constantly rose from his bed at dawn, staying awake in worries about the state, always personally directing state affairs both in deed and word, both during the morning and at noon, and often all night long. Late at night he would lie down on his bed, but very often he would immediately get up, as if angry and indignant at the soft bedding. When he began to eat, he did not touch either wine, or bread, or anything else that was edible, but ate only vegetables, and at the same time coarse ones, soaked for a long time in salt and vinegar, and served as a drink for him. pure water. But even with this he was never satisfied: when dishes were served to him, he, only having tasted from those on which he was eating at that time, sent the rest back.” His exceptional devotion to duty is not hidden in the libelous “Secret History”: “What he wanted to publish in his own name, he did not entrust it to be compiled by someone who had the position of quaestor, as was customary, but considered it permissible to do it for the most part himself " Procopius sees the reason for this in the fact that in Justinian “there was nothing of royal dignity, and he did not consider it necessary to guard it, but in his language, appearance, and way of thinking he was like a barbarian.” In such conclusions, the degree of conscientiousness of the author is characteristically revealed.

But are the accessibility of Justinian, noted by this hater of the emperor, his incomparable diligence, which obviously stemmed from a sense of duty, ascetic lifestyle and Christian piety, compatible with a highly original conclusion about the demonic nature of the emperor, in support of which the historian refers to the evidence of unnamed courtiers , to whom “it seemed that instead of him they were seeing some kind of unusual devilish ghost”? In the style of a real thriller, Procopius, anticipating medieval Western fantasies about succubi and incubi, reproduces, or rather still invents, stunning gossip about “that his mother ... used to tell someone close to him that he was not born from her husband Savvaty and not from any person. Before she became pregnant with him, she was visited by a demon, invisible, but leaving her with the impression that he was with her and had intercourse with her as a man with a woman, and then disappeared, as in a dream. Or how one of the courtiers “talked how he... suddenly rose from the royal throne and began to wander back and forth (he was not used to sitting in one place for a long time), and suddenly Justinian’s head suddenly disappeared, and the rest of his body seemed , continued to make these long movements, he himself (who saw this) believed (and, it seems, quite sensibly and soberly, if all this is not pure invention. - Prot. V.Ts.) that his vision became blurred, and he stood shocked and depressed for a long time. Then, when the head returned to the body, he thought in embarrassment that the gap he had previously (in vision) had been filled.”

With such a fantastic approach to the image of the emperor, it is hardly worth taking seriously the invective contained in this passage from The Secret History: “He was both insidious and susceptible to deception, one of those who are called evil fools... His words and actions were constantly full of lies, and at the same time he easily succumbed to those who wanted to deceive him. There was in him some unusual mixture of unreasonableness and depravity of character... This basileus was full of cunning, deceit, was distinguished by insincerity, had the ability to hide his anger, was two-faced, dangerous, was an excellent actor when it was necessary to hide his thoughts, and knew how to shed tears not from joy or sorrow, but artificially causing them at the right time as needed. He lied constantly." Some of the traits listed here seem to relate to the professional qualities of politicians and statesmen. However, as we know, it is common for a person to notice his own vices in his neighbor with special vigilance, exaggerating and distorting the scale. Procopius, who wrote “The History of Wars” and the book “On Buildings”, which was more than complimentary to Justinian, with one hand, and “The Secret History” with the other, presses with particular energy on the insincerity and duplicity of the emperor.

The reasons for Procopius’s bias could be and, obviously, were different - perhaps some remaining unknown episode of his biography, but also, probably, the fact that for the famous historian the holiday of the Resurrection of Christ was the “so-called Easter”; and, perhaps, one more factor: according to Procopius, Justinian “prohibited sodomy by law, subjecting to inquiry cases that did not take place after the law was issued, but concerning those persons who were noticed in this vice long before him... Those exposed in this way were deprived of their and so they led their shameful members around the city... They were also angry with the astrologers. And... the authorities... subjected them to torture for this reason alone and, having firmly whipped them on the back, put them on camels and transported them throughout the city - they, already elderly people and in all respects respectable, who were charged only with the fact that they wished to become wise in the science of the stars."

Be that as it may, in view of such disastrous contradictions and inconsistencies found in the notorious “Secret History”, it should be O take greater confidence in the characteristics that the same Procopius gives to him in his published books: in the “History of Wars” and even in the book “On Buildings” written in a panegyric tone: “In our time, the Emperor Justinian appeared, who, having assumed power over the state , shaken by unrest and brought to shameful weakness, increased its size and brought it to a brilliant state... Finding faith in God in the past unsteady and forced to follow the paths of different confessions, having wiped out from the face of the earth all the paths leading to these heretical fluctuations, he achieved this , so that she now stands on one solid foundation of true confession... Himself, on my own impulse, forgave in And We, who were plotting against him, having filled those in need of means of living to the point of satiation with wealth and thereby overcoming the unfortunate fate that was humiliating for them, ensured that the joy of life reigned in the empire... Of those whom we know by rumor, they say that the best sovereign was the Persian king Cyrus ... If anyone takes a close look at the reign of our emperor Justinian ... this person will admit that Cyrus and his power were a toy in comparison with him.”

Justinian was granted remarkable physical strength and excellent health, inherited from his peasant ancestors and tempered by an unpretentious, ascetic lifestyle, which he led in the palace, first as co-ruler of his uncle, and then as sole autocrat. His amazing health was not undermined by sleepless nights, during which he, as in the daytime, indulged in the affairs of government. In old age, when he was already 60 years old, he fell ill with the plague and was successfully cured of this fatal illness, then living to a ripe old age.

A great ruler, he knew how to surround himself with assistants of outstanding ability: these were the generals Belisarius and Narses, the outstanding lawyer Tribonian, the brilliant architects Isidore of Miletus and Anthimius of Thrall, and among these luminaries his wife Theodora shone as a star of the first magnitude.

Justinian met her around 520 and became interested in her. Like Justinian, Theodora had the most humble, although not so ordinary, but rather exotic origins. She was born in Syria, and according to some less reliable information, in Cyprus at the end of the 5th century; her exact date of birth is unknown. Her father Akakios, who moved with his family to the capital of the empire, found a kind of income there: he became, according to Procopius’s version, which is also repeated by other Byzantine historians, “an overseer of circus animals,” or, as he was also called, a “safeguard.” But he died early, leaving three young daughters orphans: Komito, Theodora and Anastasia, the eldest of whom was not yet seven years old. The widow of the “safecracker” married for the second time in the hope that her new husband would continue the craft of the deceased, but her hopes were not justified: in Dima Prasinov they found another replacement for him. The mother of the orphaned girls, however, according to Procopius’s story, did not lose heart, and “when ... the people gathered at the circus, she, putting wreaths on the heads of three girls and giving garlands of flowers to each in both hands, put them on their knees with a prayer for protection.” The rival circus party of the Veneti, probably for the sake of moral triumph over their rivals, took care of the orphans and took their stepfather to the position of overseer of animals in their faction. Since then, Theodora, like her husband, has become an ardent fan of the Veneti - the blue ones.

When the daughters grew up, their mother placed them on the stage. Procopius, characterizing the profession of the eldest of them, Comito, calls her not an actress, as should be the case with a calm attitude to the topic, but a heterosexual; Subsequently, during the reign of Justinian, she was married to the master of the army, Sitta. During her childhood, spent in poverty and need, Theodora, according to Procopius, “dressed in a chiton with sleeves... accompanied her, serving her in everything.” When the girl grew up, she became an actress in the mimic theater. “She was unusually graceful and witty. Because of this, everyone was delighted with her.” Procopius considers one of the reasons for the delight into which the young beauty brought the audience not only her inexhaustible ingenuity in witticisms and jokes, but also her lack of shame. His further story about Theodore is filled with shameful and dirty fantasies, bordering on sexual delirium, which says more about the author himself than about the victim of his libelous inspiration. Is there any truth to this game of fevered pornographic imagination? The famous historian Gibbon in the age of “enlightenment”, who set the tone for the Western fashion for Byzantophobia, willingly believes Procopius, finding an irresistible argument in favor of the reliability of the anecdotes he told in their very improbability: “They don’t invent such incredible things - that means they are true.” Meanwhile, the only source of information on this part of Procopius could be street gossip, so the actual lifestyle of young Theodora can only be judged based on the biographical outline, the characteristics of the artistic profession and the morals of the theatrical environment. The modern historian Norwich, touching on this topic, rejects the reliability of Procopius’s pathological insinuations, but, taking into account the rumors from which he could draw some of his anecdotes, notes that “still, as we know, there is no smoke without fire, so there is no doubt about the fact that Theodora, as our grandmothers put it, had a “past.” Whether she was worse than others - the answer to this question remains open.” The famous Byzantine scholar S. Diehl, touching on this sensitive topic, wrote: “Some psychological traits of Theodora, her concerns for poor girls who died in the capital more often from want than from depravity, the measures she took to save them and free them “from the shameful yoke slavery”... as well as the somewhat contemptuous cruelty that she always showed to men, to a certain extent confirm what is reported about her youth... But is it possible to believe because of this that Theodora’s adventures produced that terrible scandal that Procopius describes, that she really was an extraordinary courtesan? .. We must not lose sight of the fact that Procopius likes to present the depravity of the persons he depicts in almost epic proportions... I... would be very inclined to see in her... the heroine of a more banal story - a dancer who behaved the same way as people behave at all times women of her profession."

To be fair, it should be noted that unflattering characteristics addressed to Theodora also came from a different direction, however, their essence remains unclear. Sh. Diehl expresses disappointment that the Monophysite historian Bishop John of Ephesus, “who knew Theodora closely, out of respect for the greats of this world, did not tell us in detail all the offensive expressions with which, in his own words, the pious monks - people famous with its brutal frankness."

When, at the beginning of the reign of Justin, the hard-to-get theatrical bread became bitter for Theodora, she changed her lifestyle and, becoming close to a native of Tyre, possibly her fellow countryman, Hekebol, who was then appointed ruler of the province of Pentapolis, located between Libya and Egypt, left with him to his place services. As S. Diehl commented on this event in the life of Theodora, “finally tired of fleeting connections, and having found a serious man who provided her with a strong position, she began to lead a decent life in marriage and piety.” But her family life did not last long, ending in a breakup. Feodora had a young daughter left with her. Abandoned by Hekebol, whose later fate is unknown, Theodora moved to Alexandria, where she settled in a hospitable house that belonged to the Monophysite community. In Alexandria, she often talked with monks, from whom she sought consolation and guidance, as well as with priests and bishops.

There she met the local Monophysite Patriarch Timothy - at that time the Orthodox throne of Alexandria remained vacant - and with the Monophysite Patriarch of Antioch, Sevier, who was in exile in this city, a respectful attitude towards whom she retained forever, which especially motivated her when she became a powerful assistant her husband, to seek reconciliation between the Diaphysites and the Monophysites. In Alexandria, she seriously took up her education, read the books of the Fathers of the Church and foreign writers and, possessing extraordinary abilities, an extremely insightful mind and a brilliant memory, over time, like Justinian, she became one of the most erudite people of her time, a competent expert in theology. Life circumstances prompted her to move from Alexandria to Constantinople. Contrary to everything that is known about Theodora’s piety and impeccable behavior from the time she left the stage, Procopius, losing his sense not only of proportion, but also of reality and plausibility, wrote that “having passed throughout the entire East, she returned to Byzantium. In every city she resorted to a craft, which, I think, a person cannot name without losing the mercy of God,” this expression is given here to show the value of the writer’s testimony: in other places in his pamphlet he, without fear of “depriving the mercy of God” , enthusiastically names the most shameful of the exercises that existed in reality and were invented by his fevered imagination, which he falsely attributes to Theodora.

In Constantinople, she settled in a small house on the outskirts. Needing funds, she, according to legend, set up a spinning workshop and in it she wove yarn herself, dividing the labor of hired women workers. There, under circumstances that remain unknown, around 520, Theodora met the emperor's nephew Justinian, who became interested in her. At that time, he was already a mature man, approaching 40 years of age. Frivolity was never characteristic of him. Apparently, he did not have much experience with women in the past. He was too serious and picky for that. Having recognized Theodora, he fell in love with her with amazing devotion and constancy, and this subsequently, during their marriage, was expressed in everything, including in his activities as a ruler, which Theodora influenced like no one else.

Possessing rare beauty, a penetrating mind and education, which Justinian knew how to value in women, brilliant wit, amazing self-control and strong character, Theodora managed to captivate the imagination of her high-ranking chosen one. Even the vindictive and vindictive Procopius, who seems to have been painfully offended by some of her caustic jokes, but who harbored a grudge and splashed it out on the pages of his “Secret History” written “on the table,” pays tribute to her external attractiveness: “Theodora was beautiful in face and she is full of grace, but short in stature, pale-faced, but not quite white, but rather yellowish-pale; her gaze from under her furrowed eyebrows was menacing.” This is a kind of lifetime verbal portrait, all the more reliable since it corresponds to the mosaic image of her, also lifetime, which was preserved in the apse of the Church of St. Vitaly in Ravenna. A successful description of this portrait of her, dating, however, not to the time of her acquaintance with Justinian, but to a later time in her life, when old age was already ahead, was made by S. Diehl: “Under the heavy imperial mantle, the waist seems higher, but less flexible; under the diadem that hides the forehead, a small, gentle face with a somewhat thinner oval and a large straight and thin nose looks solemn, almost sad. Only one thing has been preserved on this faded face: under the dark line of fused eyebrows, beautiful black eyes... still illuminate and seem to destroy the face.” The exquisite, truly Byzantine grandeur of Augusta’s appearance in this mosaic is emphasized by her regal clothes: “The long robe of violet purple that covers her below shimmers with lights in the soft folds of the embroidered gold border; on her head, surrounded by a halo, is a high diadem of gold and precious stones; her hair is intertwined with pearl threads and threads studded with precious stones, and the same decorations fall in sparkling streams onto her shoulders.”

Having met Theodora and fallen in love with her, Justinian asked his uncle to grant her the high title of patrician. The emperor's co-ruler wanted to marry her, but faced two obstacles in his intention. One of them was of a legal nature: senators, to whose class the autocrat’s nephew was naturally included, were forbidden by the law of the holy emperor Constantine to marry former actresses, and the other stemmed from resistance to the idea of ​​such a misalliance on the part of the emperor’s wife Euphemia, who loved her nephew her husband and sincerely wished him every good, even though she herself, in the past called not by this aristocratic, but by the common people's name Lupicina, which Procopius finds funny and absurd, had the most humble origins. But such fanaticism is precisely a characteristic feature of suddenly elevated individuals, especially when they are characterized by innocence combined with common sense. Justinian did not want to go against the prejudices of his aunt, whose love he responded with grateful affection, and did not rush into marriage. But time passed, and in 523 Euphemia went to the Lord, after which Emperor Justin, who was alien to the prejudices of his late wife, abolished the law prohibiting senators from unequal marriages, and in 525, in the Church of Hagia Sophia, Patriarch Epiphanius married the senator and patrician Justinian to the patrician Theodora.

When Justinian was proclaimed Augustus and co-ruler of Justin on April 4, 527, his wife Saint Theodora was next to him and received the appropriate honors. And henceforth she shared with her husband his government labors and honors that befitted him as an emperor. Theodora received ambassadors, gave audiences to dignitaries, and statues were erected to her. The state oath included both names - Justinian and Theodora: I swear by “almighty God, His only begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit, the holy glorious Mother of God and the Ever-Virgin Mary, the four Gospels, the holy archangels Michael and Gabriel, that I will serve well the most pious and holiest sovereigns Justinian and Theodora, the wife of His Imperial Majesty, and work unfeignedly for the success of their autocracy and rule.”

War with the Persian Shah Kavad

The most important foreign policy event in the first years of Justinian's reign was the renewed war with Sasanian Iran, described in detail by Procopius. Four mobile field armies of Rome were stationed in Asia, forming b O most of the armed forces of the empire and intended for the defense of its eastern borders. Another army was stationed in Egypt, two corps were in the Balkans - in Thrace and Illyricum, covering the capital from the north and west. The emperor's personal guard, consisting of seven scholas, numbered 3,500 selected soldiers and officers. There were also garrisons in strategically important cities, especially in fortresses located in the border zone. But, as can be seen from the above description of the composition and deployment of the armed forces, Sassanian Iran was considered the main enemy.

In 528, Justinian ordered the garrison commander of the border city of Dara, Belisarius, to begin construction of a new fortress in Mindon, near Nisibis. When the walls of the fortress, on the construction of which many workers worked, rose to a considerable height, the Persians became worried and demanded to stop construction, seeing in it a violation of the agreement concluded earlier, under Justin. Rome rejected the ultimatum, and the redeployment of troops to the border began on both sides.

In the battle between the Roman detachment led by Kutsa and the Persians near the walls of the fortress under construction, the Romans were defeated, the survivors, including the commander himself, were captured, and the walls, the construction of which served as the fuse of the war, were razed to the ground. In 529, Justinian appointed Belisarius to the highest military position of master, or in Greek, stratilate, of the East. And he made an additional recruitment of troops and moved the army towards Nisibis. Next to Belisarius at the headquarters was Hermogenes, sent by the emperor, who also had the rank of master - in the past he was Vitalian's closest adviser when he staged a rebellion against Anastasius. The Persian army marched towards them under the command of Mirran (commander-in-chief) Peroz. The Persian army initially numbered up to 40 thousand cavalry and infantry, and then reinforcements of 10 thousand people arrived. They were opposed by 25 thousand Roman soldiers. Thus, the Persians had a twofold superiority. On both front lines there were troops of different tribes of the two great powers.

A correspondence took place between the military leaders: Mirran Peroz, or Firuz, on the Iranian side and Belisarius and Hermogenes on the Roman side. Roman commanders offered peace, but insisted on the withdrawal of the Persian army from the border. Mirran wrote in response that the Romans could not be trusted, and therefore only war could resolve the dispute. The second letter to Peroz, sent by Belisarius and his companions, concluded with the words: “If you are so eager for war, then we will oppose you with the help of God: we are confident that He will help us in danger, condescending to the peacefulness of the Romans and angry at the boasting of the Persians, who decided to go to war against us, who offered you peace. We will march against you, attaching to the tops of our banners before the battle what we wrote to each other." Mirran’s response to Belisarius was filled with offensive arrogance and boasting: “And we go into battle not without the help of our gods, with them we will go against you, and I hope that tomorrow they will lead us into Dara. Therefore, let a bathhouse and dinner be ready for me in the city.”

The general battle took place in July 530. Peroz started it at noon with the expectation that “they will attack the hungry,” because the Romans, unlike the Persians, who are accustomed to having lunch at the end of the day, eat before noon. The battle began with a shootout with bows, so that the arrows rushing in both directions obscured the sunlight. The Persians had richer supplies of arrows, but eventually they too ran out. The Romans were favored by the wind that blew in the face of the enemy, but there were losses, and considerable ones, on both sides. When there was nothing left to shoot, the enemies entered into hand-to-hand combat with each other, using spears and swords. During the battle, more than once a superiority of forces was discovered on one side or the other in different parts of the line of combat contact. A particularly dangerous moment for the Roman army came when the Persians standing on the left flank under the command of the one-eyed Varesman, together with a detachment of “immortals”, “quickly rushed at the Romans standing against them,” and “they, unable to withstand their onslaught, fled,” but then a turning point occurred that decided the outcome of the battle. The Romans, who were on the flank, struck the rapidly advancing detachment from the side and cut it in two. The Persians, who were in front, were surrounded and turned back, and then the Romans fleeing from them stopped, turned around and struck the soldiers who had pursued them earlier. Finding themselves surrounded by the enemy, the Persians desperately resisted, but when their commander Varesman fell, thrown from his horse and killed by Sunika, they fled in panic: the Romans overtook them and beat them. Up to 5 thousand Persians died. Belisarius and Hermogenes finally ordered the pursuit to stop, fearing surprises. “On that day,” according to Procopius, “the Romans managed to defeat the Persians in battle, which had not happened for a long time.” For his failure, Mirran Peroz suffered a humiliating punishment: “the king took away from him the ornament of gold and pearls that he usually wore on his head. Among the Persians this is a sign of the highest dignity after the royal one.”

The war with the Persians did not end with the victory of the Romans at the walls of Dara. The sheikhs of the Arab Bedouins intervened in the game, wandering along the borders of the Roman and Iranian empires and plundering the border cities of one of them in agreement with the authorities of the other, but, above all, in their own interests - for their own benefit. One of these sheikhs was Alamundar, a highly experienced, inventive and resourceful robber, not without diplomatic abilities. In the past, he was considered a vassal of Rome, received the title of Roman patrician and king of his people, but then went over to the side of Iran, and, according to Procopius, “for 50 years he exhausted the strength of the Romans... From the borders of Egypt to Mesopotamia, he ravaged all areas, stole and took away everything, burned the buildings he came across, enslaved many tens of thousands of people; Most of them he killed immediately, others he sold for a lot of money.” The Roman protégé from among the Arab sheikhs, Aref, in skirmishes with Alamundar invariably suffered setbacks or, Procopius suspects, “acted treacherously, as most likely should be allowed.” Alamundar appeared at the court of Shah Kavad and advised him to move around the Osroene province with its numerous Roman garrisons through the Syrian desert to the main outpost of Rome in the Levant - to the brilliant Antioch, the population of which is particularly careless and cares only about entertainment, so that the attack will be for him a terrible surprise for which they will not be able to prepare in advance. As for the difficulties of marching through the desert, Alamundar suggested: “Don’t worry about the lack of water or anything else, for I myself will lead the army as I think best.” Alamundar's proposal was accepted by the Shah, and he put the Persian Azaret at the head of the army that was to storm Antioch, with Alamundar next to him, “showing him the way.”

Having learned about the new danger, Belisarius, who commanded the Roman troops in the East, moved an army of 20,000 to meet the enemy, and he retreated. Belisarius did not want to attack the retreating enemy, but warlike sentiments prevailed among the troops, and the commander was unable to calm his soldiers. On April 19, 531, on the day of Holy Easter, a battle took place on the banks of the river near Kallinikos, which ended in defeat for the Romans, but the victors, who forced Belisarius’s army to retreat, suffered colossal losses: when they returned home, a count of those killed and captured was made. Procopius talks about how this is done: before the campaign, the soldiers each throw one arrow into baskets placed on the parade ground, “then they are stored, sealed with the royal seal; when the army returns... then each soldier takes one arrow from these baskets.” When the troops of Azareth, returning from a campaign in which they failed to take either Antioch or any other city, although they were victorious in the case of Callinicus, marched in formation in front of Kavad, taking arrows from their baskets, then, “since in There were many arrows left in the baskets... the king considered this victory a disgrace for Azareth and subsequently kept him among the least worthy.”

Another theater of war between Rome and Iran was, as in the past, Armenia. In 528, a detachment of Persians invaded Roman Armenia from the side of Perso-Armenia, but was defeated by the troops stationed there, commanded by Sitta, after which the Shah sent there a larger army under the command of Mermeroy, the backbone of which was the Savir mercenaries numbering 3 thousand horsemen. And again the invasion was repulsed: Mermeroy was defeated by troops under the command of Sitta and Dorotheus. But, having recovered from the defeat, having made an additional recruitment, Mermeroy again invaded the Roman Empire and set up a camp near the city of Satala, located 100 kilometers from Trebizond. The Romans unexpectedly attacked the camp - a bloody, stubborn battle began, the outcome of which hung in the balance. The decisive role in it was played by the Thracian horsemen who fought under the command of Florence, who died in this battle. After the defeat, Mermeroy left the empire, and three prominent Persian military leaders, of Armenian origin: the brothers Narses, Aratius and Isaac - from the aristocratic family of Kamsarakans, who successfully fought with the Romans during the reign of Justin, went over to the side of Rome. Isaac surrendered to his new masters the fortress of Bolon, located near Feodosiopolis, on the border, the garrison of which he commanded.

On September 8, 531, Shah Kavad died from paralysis of the right side, which befell him five days before his death. He was 82 years old. His successor was, on the basis of the will he drew up, his youngest son, Khosrov Anushirvan. The highest dignitaries of the state, led by Mevod, stopped the attempt of the eldest son of Kaos to take the throne. Soon after this, negotiations began with Rome to conclude peace. From the Roman side, Rufinus, Alexander and Thomas took part in them. The negotiations were difficult, interrupted by breaks in contacts, threats from the Persians to resume the war, accompanied by the movement of troops towards the border, but in the end, in 532, a treaty on “eternal peace” was signed. In accordance with it, the border between the two powers remained largely unchanged, although Rome returned to the Persians the fortresses Farangium and Volus that had been taken from them, the Roman side also undertook to move the headquarters of the commander of the army stationed in Mesopotamia further from the border - from Dara to Constantine. During negotiations with Rome, Iran, both earlier and this time, put forward a demand for joint defense of passes and passages through the Greater Caucasus Range near the Caspian Sea to repel attacks by nomadic barbarians. But, since this condition was unacceptable for the Romans: a military unit located at a considerable distance from the Roman borders would be there in an extremely vulnerable position and completely dependent on the Persians, an alternative proposal was put forward - to pay Iran money to compensate for its costs on the defense of the Caucasian passes. This proposal was accepted, and the Roman side undertook to pay Iran 110 centinarii of gold - a centinarium was 100 libras, and the weight of a libra was approximately one-third of a kilogram. Thus, Rome, under the plausible guise of compensation for expenses for joint defense needs, undertook to pay an indemnity of about 4 tons of gold. At that time, after the increase in the treasury under Anastasia, this amount was not particularly burdensome for Rome.

The subject of negotiations was also the situation in Lazika and Iveria. Lazika remained under the protectorate of Rome, and Iveria - Iran, but those Ivers, or Georgians, who fled from the Persians from their country to neighboring Lazika, were given the right to remain in Lazika or return to their homeland at their own request.

Emperor Justinian agreed to make peace with the Persians because at that time he was developing a plan for conducting military operations in the west - in Africa and Italy - in order to restore the integrity of the Roman Empire and to protect the Orthodox Christians of the West from the discrimination to which they were subjected to the Arians who ruled over them. But he was temporarily kept from implementing this plan by the dangerous developments in the capital itself.

Nika Mutiny

In January 532, a rebellion broke out in Constantinople, the instigators of which were members of the circus factions, or dims, the Prasins (green) and Veneti (blue). Of the four circus parties by the time of Justinian, two - the Levki (white) and the Rusii (red) - disappeared, leaving no noticeable traces of their existence. “The original meaning of the names of the four parties,” according to A.A. Vasiliev, is unclear. Sources of the 6th century, that is, the era of Justinian, say that these names correspond to the four elements: earth (green), water (blue), air (white) and fire (red). Dimas similar to those in the capital, bearing the same names of the colors of the clothes of circus drivers and crews, also existed in those cities where hippodromes were preserved. But the dimas were not only communities of fans: they were endowed with municipal responsibilities and rights, and served as a form of organization of civil militia in the event of a siege of the city. Dimas had their own structure, their own treasury, their own leaders: these were, according to F.I. Uspensky, “the democrats, of which there were two - the Dimocrats of the Venets and Prasins; both of them were appointed by the king from the highest military ranks with the rank of protospatharius." In addition to them, there were also Dimarchs, who previously headed the Dima of the Levki and Rusii, who actually died out, but retained the memory of themselves in the nomenclature of ranks. Judging by the sources, the remnants of the Dima Leuci were absorbed by the Veneti, and the Rusiev by the Prasini. There is no complete clarity regarding the structure of dims and the principles of division into dims due to insufficient information in the sources. It is only known that the Dimes, led by their Dimocrats and Dimarchs, were subordinate to the prefect, or eparch, of Constantinople. The number of Dims was limited: at the end of the 6th century, during the reign of Mauritius, there were one and a half thousand Prasins and 900 Venets in the capital, but their much more numerous supporters joined the formal members of the Dims.

The division into dimas, like modern party affiliation, to a certain extent reflected the existence of different social and ethnic groups and even different theological views, which in New Rome served as the most important indicator of orientation. Among the Veneti, wealthier people predominated - landowners and officials; natural Greeks, consistent diaphysites, while the dim prasins united mainly merchants and artisans, there were many people from Syria and Egypt, and the presence of monophysites was also noticeable among the prasins.

Emperor Justinian and his wife Theodora were supporters, or, if you like, fans, of the Veneti. The characterization of Theodora as a supporter of the Prasins found in literature is based on a misunderstanding: on the one hand, on the fact that her father was once in the service of the Prasins (but after his death, the Prasins, as mentioned above, did not take care of his widow and orphans, in while the Veneti showed generosity to the orphaned family, and Theodora became a zealous “fan” of this faction), and on the other hand, on the fact that she, not being a Monophysite, provided patronage to the Monophysites at a time when the emperor himself was looking for a way to reconcile them with the Diaphysites, meanwhile, in the capital of the empire, the Monophysites concentrated around the Dima Prasins.

Not being recognized as political parties, performing, in accordance with their place in the hierarchy of capital institutions, rather a representative function, dimas still reflected the moods of various circles of urban inhabitants, including their political desires. Even during the times of the Principate and then the Dominat, the hippodrome became the center of political life. After the acclamation of the new emperor in the military camp, after the church blessing for the reign, after his approval by the Senate, the emperor appeared at the hippodrome, occupied his box there, which was called kathisma, and the people - the citizens of New Rome - with their welcoming cries performed the legally significant act of electing him emperor, or, closer to the real state of affairs, recognition of the legitimacy of a previously completed election.

From a real-political point of view, the participation of the people in the election of the emperor was exclusively formal, ceremonial in nature, but the traditions of the ancient Roman Republic, torn apart during the times of the Gracchi, Marius, Sulla, and triumvirates by the struggle of parties, made their way in the rivalry of circus factions, which went beyond the boundaries of sports excitement. As F.I. wrote Uspensky, “the hippodrome represented the only arena, in the absence of a printing press, for the loud expression of public opinion, which was sometimes binding on the government. Here public affairs were discussed, here the population of Constantinople expressed to a certain extent their participation in political affairs; While the ancient political institutions through which the people expressed their sovereign rights gradually fell into decay, unable to get along with the monarchical principles of the Roman emperors, the city hippodrome continued to remain an arena where free opinion could be expressed with impunity... The people politicized at the hippodrome , expressed censure to both the tsar and the ministers, and sometimes mocked the unsuccessful policy.” But the hippodrome with its dimes served not only as a place where the masses could criticize the actions of the authorities with impunity, it was also used by groups or clans surrounding the emperors, bearers of government powers in their intrigues, and served as a tool for compromising rivals from hostile clans. Taken together, these circumstances turned dimas into a risky weapon, fraught with rebellion.

The danger was aggravated by the extremely daring criminal morals that reigned among the stasiots who made up the core of the dims - something like avid fans who did not miss the races and other performances of the hippodrome. About their morals, with possible exaggerations, but still not fantasizing, but relying on the real state of affairs, Procopius wrote in the “Secret History”: the stasiots of the Veneti “openly carried weapons at night, but during the day they hid small double-edged daggers at their hips. As soon as it began to get dark, they formed gangs and robbed those who (looked) decent throughout the agora and in the narrow streets... During the robbery, they considered it necessary to kill some so that they would not tell anyone about what happened to them . Everyone suffered from them, and among the first were those Veneti who were not stasiotes.” Their smart and elaborate attire was very colorful: they trimmed their clothes with a “beautiful border... The part of the chiton that covered the arm was pulled tightly together near the hand, and from there it expanded to incredible sizes all the way to the shoulder. Whenever they were in the theater or at the hippodrome, shouting or cheering (the charioteers) ... waving their arms, this part (of the chiton) naturally swelled, giving the fools the impression that they had such a beautiful and strong body that they had to clothe it in similar robes... Their capes, wide trousers, and especially their shoes were Hunnic both in name and in appearance.” The stasiots of the Prasins, who competed with the Veneti, either joined enemy gangs, “overwhelmed by the desire to participate in crimes with complete impunity, while others fled and took refuge in other places. Many, overtaken there too, died either at the hands of the enemy or after being persecuted by the authorities... Many other young men began to flock to this community... They were prompted to this by the opportunity to show strength and audacity... Many, having seduced them with money, pointed out to the stasiots their own enemies , and they immediately destroyed them." The words of Procopius that “no one had the slightest hope that he would remain alive given such an unreliable existence” are, of course, only a rhetorical figure, but an atmosphere of danger, anxiety and fear was present in the city.

The thunderous tension was discharged by a riot - an attempt to overthrow Justinian. The rebels had different motives for taking risks. Adherents of the nephews of Emperor Anastasius lurked in palace and government circles, although they themselves did not seem to aspire to supreme power. These were mainly dignitaries who adhered to Monophysite theology, of which Anastasius was an adherent. Dissatisfaction with the government's tax policy had accumulated among the people; the main culprits were seen as the emperor's closest assistants, Praetorian Prefect John of Cappadocia and Quaestor Tribonianus. Rumor accused them of extortion, bribes and extortion. The Prasins resented Justinian's open preference for the Veneti, and the Stasiotes of the Veneti were dissatisfied that the government, despite what Procopius had written about condoning their banditry, still took police action against particularly obvious criminal excesses that they committed. Finally, in Constantinople there were still pagans, Jews, Samaritans, as well as heretics Arians, Macedonians, Montanists and even Manichaeans, who rightly saw a threat to the very existence of their communities in Justinian’s religious policy, aimed at supporting Orthodoxy with the full force of law and real power. So flammable material accumulated in a high degree of concentration in the capital, and the hippodrome served as the epicenter of the explosion. It is easier for people of our time, captivated by sporting passions, than it was in previous centuries, to imagine how easily the excitement of fans, charged at the same time with political predilections, can result in unrest that poses the threat of uprising and coup, especially when the crowd is skillfully manipulated.

The beginning of the rebellion was the events that took place at the hippodrome on January 11, 532. In the interval between the races, one of the prasins, apparently prepared in advance for the performance, on behalf of his god turned to the emperor who was present at the races with a complaint about the spafarius of the sacred bedchamber of Calopodium: “Many years, Justinian - Augustus, win! “We are being offended, the only good one, and we are unable to bear it any longer, God is our witness!” . The emperor's representative, in response to the accusation, said: “Calopodia does not interfere in the affairs of government... You come to spectacles only to insult the government.” The dialogue became more and more tense: “Be that as it may, whoever offends us will have his part with Judas.” - “Be silent, Jews, Manichaeans, Samaritans!” - “Do you vilify us as Jews and Samaritans? Mother of God, be with us all!..” - “Not joking: if you don’t calm down, I’ll order everyone to have their heads cut off” - “Order them to kill! Perhaps punish us! Blood is already ready to flow in streams... It would be better for Savvaty not to be born than to have a son as a murderer... (This was already an openly rebellious attack.) So in the morning, outside the city, under Zeugmus, a murder took place, and you, sir, at least looked at it! There was a murder in the evening." The representative of the blue faction responded: “The killers of this entire stage are only yours... You kill and rebel; you only have stage killers.” The representative of the Greens turned directly to the emperor: “Who killed the son of Epagathus, autocrat?” - “And you killed him and blame it on the gays” - “Lord, have mercy! Truth is being violated. Therefore, it can be argued that the world is not governed by God’s Providence. Where does such evil come from? - “Blasphemers, fighters against God, when will you shut up?” - “If it pleases your power, I will inevitably remain silent, most august one; I know everything, I know everything, but I’m silent. Farewell justice! You are already speechless. I will move to another camp and become a Jew. God knows! It’s better to become a Hellenic than to live with gays.” Having defied the government and the emperor, the Greens left the hippodrome.

An insulting altercation with the emperor at the hippodrome served as a prelude to the rebellion. The eparch, or prefect, of the capital, Eudemon, ordered the arrest of six people suspected of murder from both dimes - green and blue. An investigation was carried out and it turned out that seven of them were indeed guilty of this crime. Eudemon pronounced a sentence: four criminals should be beheaded, and three should be crucified. But then something incredible happened. According to the story of John Malala, “when they... began to hang them, the pillars collapsed, and two (sentenced) fell; one was “blue”, the other was “green”. A crowd gathered at the place of execution, monks from the monastery of St. Conon came and took with them the broken criminals sentenced to execution. They transported them across the strait to the Asian coast and gave them refuge in the church of the martyr Lawrence, which had the right of refuge. But the prefect of the capital, Eudemon, sent a military detachment to the temple to prevent them from leaving the temple and hiding. The people were outraged by the actions of the prefect, because in the fact that the hanged men broke free and survived, they saw the miraculous action of God's Providence. A crowd of people went to the prefect's house and asked him to remove the guards from the temple of St. Lawrence, but he refused to fulfill this request. Dissatisfaction with the actions of the authorities grew in the crowd. The conspirators took advantage of the murmur and indignation of the people. The stasiots of the Veneti and Prasin agreed on a solidarity rebellion against the government. The password of the conspirators was the word “Nika!” (“Win!”) - the cry of the spectators at the hippodrome, with which they encouraged the competing drivers. The uprising went down in history under the name of this victorious cry.

On January 13, equestrian competitions dedicated to the Ides of January were again held at the capital’s hippodrome; Justinian sat on the imperial kathisma. In the intervals between races, the Veneti and Prasins unanimously asked the emperor for mercy, for the forgiveness of those sentenced to execution and miraculously freed from death. As John Malala writes, “they continued to shout until the 22nd race, but received no answer. Then the devil inspired them with a bad intention, and they began to praise each other: “Many years to the merciful Prasins and Venets!” Instead of greeting the emperor. Then, leaving the hippodrome, the conspirators, together with the crowd that joined them, rushed to the residence of the prefect of the city, demanded the release of those sentenced to death and, having not received a favorable response, set the prefecture on fire. This was followed by new arson, accompanied by the killing of soldiers and everyone who tried to counteract the rebellion. According to John Malala, “the Copper Gate to the very scholia, and the Great Church, and the public portico burned down; the people continued to riot." A more complete list of buildings destroyed by fire is given by Theophanes the Confessor: “The porticoes from Kamara itself on the square to the Halka (stairs), silver shops and all the buildings of Lavs were burned... they entered houses, robbed property, burned the palace porch... the premises of the royal bodyguards and the ninth part of Augusteum... They burned the Alexandrov baths and Sampson’s large hospice house with all his sick.” Shouts were heard from the crowd demanding that “another king” be installed.

The equestrian competitions scheduled for the next day, January 14, were not cancelled. But when at the hippodrome “the flag was raised according to custom,” the rebels Prasin and Veneti, shouting “Nika!”, began to set fire to the spectator areas. A detachment of Heruli under the command of Mundus, whom Justinian ordered to pacify the riot, could not cope with the rebels. The Emperor was ready to compromise. Having learned that the rebellious Dimas were demanding the resignation of the dignitaries John the Cappadocian, Tribonian and Eudaimon, who were especially hated by them, he complied with this demand and sent all three into retirement. But this resignation did not satisfy the rebels. Arson, murder and looting continued for several days, covering a large part of the city. The conspirators' plan definitely leaned towards the removal of Justinian and the proclamation of one of Anastasius's nephews - Hypatius, Pompey or Probus - as emperor. To speed up the development of events in this direction, the conspirators spread a false rumor among the people that Justinian and Theodora fled from the capital to Thrace. Then the crowd rushed to the house of Probus, who left it in advance and disappeared, not wanting to be involved in the riot. In anger, the rebels burned his house. They also did not find Hypatius and Pompey, because at that time they were in the imperial palace and there they assured Justinian of their devotion to him, but did not trust those to whom the instigators of the rebellion were going to entrust the supreme power, fearing that their presence in the palace might induce hesitant bodyguards to treason, Justinian demanded that both brothers leave the palace and go to their home.

On Sunday, January 17, the emperor made another attempt to quell the rebellion through reconciliation. He appeared at the hippodrome, where the crowd involved in the rebellion had gathered, with the Gospel in his hands and with an oath, he promised to release the criminals who had escaped from the hanging, and also to grant amnesty to all participants in the rebellion if they stopped the rebellion. In the crowd, some believed Justinian and welcomed him, while others - and they were obviously the majority among those gathered - insulted him with their cries and demanded that his nephew Anastasius Hypatius be installed as emperor. Justinian, surrounded by bodyguards, returned from the hippodrome to the palace, and the rebellious crowd, having learned that Hypatius was at home, rushed there to proclaim him emperor. He himself feared the fate ahead of him, but the rebels, acting assertively, took him to the forum of Constantine to perform a solemn acclamation. His wife Maria, according to Procopius, “a reasonable woman and known for her prudence, held her husband back and did not let him in, moaning loudly and crying out to all her loved ones that the Dima were leading him to death,” but she was unable to prevent the planned action. Hypatius was brought to the forum and there, in the absence of a diadem, a gold chain was placed on his head. The Senate, which met urgently, confirmed the election of Hypatius as emperor. It is not known how many senators there were who avoided participating in this meeting, and which of the senators present acted out of fear, considering Justinian’s position hopeless, but it is obvious that his conscious opponents, probably mainly from among the adherents of Monophysitism, were present in the Senate earlier, before the mutiny. Senator Origen proposed preparing for a long war with Justinian; the majority, however, spoke in favor of an immediate assault on the imperial palace. Hypatius supported this proposal, and the crowd moved towards the hippodrome, adjacent to the palace, in order to launch an attack on the palace from there.

Meanwhile, a meeting between Justinian and his closest assistants, who remained faithful to him, took place there. Among them were Belisarius, Narses, Mund. Saint Theodora was also present. The current state of affairs was characterized by both Justinian himself and his advisers in an extremely gloomy light. It was risky to rely on the loyalty of the soldiers from the capital's garrison who had not yet joined the rebels, even on the palace schola. The plan to evacuate the emperor from Constantinople was seriously discussed. And then Theodora took the floor: “In my opinion, flight, even if it ever brought salvation and, perhaps, will bring it now, is unworthy. It is impossible for one who was born not to die, but for one who once reigned, being a fugitive is unbearable. May I not lose this purple, may I not live to see the day when those I meet do not call me mistress! If you want to save yourself by flight, basileus, it is not difficult. We have a lot of money, and the sea is nearby, and there are ships. But be careful that you, who have been saved, do not have to choose death over salvation. I like the ancient saying that royal power is a beautiful shroud.” This is the most famous of the sayings of Saint Theodora, one must assume - authentically reproduced by her hater and flatterer Procopius, a man of extraordinary intellect, who was able to appreciate the irresistible energy and expressiveness of these words that characterize her herself: her mind and the amazing gift of words with which she once shone at stage, her fearlessness and self-control, her passion and pride, her steel will, tempered by everyday trials that she had endured in abundance in the past - from early youth to marriage, which lifted her to an unprecedented height, from which she did not want to fall, even if The lives of both herself and her husband, the emperor, were at stake. These words of Theodora wonderfully illustrate the role that she played in Justinian’s inner circle and the extent of her influence on public policy.

Theodora's statement marked a turning point in the rebellion. “Her words,” as Procopius noted, “inspired everyone, and, having regained their lost courage, they began to discuss how they should defend themselves... The soldiers, both those who were entrusted with guarding the palace and everyone else, did not show loyalty to the basileus , but also did not want to clearly take part in the matter, waiting to see what the outcome of events would be.” At the meeting, it was decided to immediately begin to suppress the rebellion.

A key role in restoring order was played by the detachment that Belisarius brought from the eastern border. Together with him, German mercenaries acted under the command of their commander Munda, appointed strategist of Illyricum. But before they attacked the rebels, the palace eunuch Narses entered into negotiations with the rebellious Veneti, who had previously been considered reliable, since Justinian himself and his wife Theodora were on the side of their blue god. According to John Malala, he “secretly left (the palace) and bribed some (members of) the Veneti party by distributing money to them. And some rebels from the crowd began to proclaim Justinian king in the city; people divided and went against each other." In any case, the number of rebels decreased as a result of this division, but it was still large and inspired the most alarming fears. Convinced of the unreliability of the capital's garrison, Belisarius lost heart and, returning to the palace, began to assure the emperor that “their cause was lost,” but, under the spell of the words spoken by Theodora at the council, Justinian was now determined to act in the most energetic manner. He ordered Belisarius to lead his detachment to the hippodrome, where the main forces of the rebels were concentrated. Hypatius, who was proclaimed emperor, was also there, sitting on the imperial kathisma.

Belisarius's detachment made its way to the hippodrome through the charred ruins. Having reached the portico of the Veneti, he wanted to immediately attack Hypatius and capture him, but they were separated by a locked door, which was guarded from the inside by Hypatius’s bodyguards, and Belisarius feared that “when he finds himself in a difficult position in this narrow place,” the people would attack the detachment and because of his small numbers, he will kill all his warriors. Therefore, he chose a different direction of attack. He ordered the soldiers to attack the disorganized crowd of thousands gathered at the hippodrome, taking it by surprise with this attack, and “the people... seeing warriors dressed in armor, renowned for their courage and experience in battle, striking with swords without any mercy, turned to flight.” But there was nowhere to run, because through another gate of the hippodrome, which was called the Dead (Nekra), the Germans under the command of Munda burst into the hippodrome. A massacre began, in which more than 30 thousand people fell victims. Hypatius and his brother Pompey were captured and taken to Justinian's palace. In his defense, Pompey said that “the people forced them against their own desire to accept power, and they then went to the hippodrome, having no evil intent against the basileus” - which was only a half-truth, because from a certain point they ceased to resist the will of the rebels . Ipaty did not want to justify himself to the winner. The next day they were both killed by soldiers and their bodies thrown into the sea. All the property of Hypatius and Pompey, as well as those senators who participated in the rebellion, was confiscated in favor of the fiscus. But later, for the sake of establishing peace and harmony in the state, Justinian returned the confiscated property to their former owners, without depriving even the children of Hypatius and Pompey - these unlucky nephews of Anastasius. But, on the other hand, Justinian, soon after suppressing the rebellion, which shed a lot of blood, but less than could have been shed if his opponents had succeeded, which would have plunged the empire into civil war, annulled the orders he had made as a concession to the rebels: the emperor's closest assistants Tribonian and John were returned to their former posts.

(To be continued.)