End of the Greek Civil War date. Civil War is

At the beginning of 1948, the advance of the communist rebels in Greece seemed unstoppable. But thanks to American assistance and a number of serious mistakes made by the communists themselves, government forces were able to rectify the situation. However, the consequences of the bloody civil war are felt in Greek society to this day...

1948 begins

Government troops managed to thwart the attempts of the Democratic Army of Greece (DAH) to capture the Epirus city of Konitsa, which the communists intended to make the "capital" of their provisional government. But the situation of the Athenian authorities at the beginning of 1948 remained difficult. The guerrilla movement was on the rise, controlling vast rural areas throughout Greece. By the spring of 1948, the DAG reached a peak strength of 26 thousand fighters, of which 3 thousand operated in the Peloponnese, 9 thousand in Central Greece and the islands, more than 10 thousand in Epirus and Western Macedonia, 4 thousand in Eastern Macedonia and Western Thrace .

DAG fighters in 1948

The Sophoulis government, having finally abandoned the policy of “reconciliation,” again resorted to repression. Deputy Prime Minister Tsaldaris directly stated:

“The state does not negotiate and does not capitulate. The bandits must either surrender or die."

In response to the proclamation of the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece by the communists, the Athenian authorities on December 27, 1947 issued Emergency Law No. 509 “On measures to protect state security, social peace and civil liberties,” outlawing the KKE, EAM and other associated organizations. Membership of these organizations now faced the death penalty. More mass arrests followed.

In January 1948, an anti-strike law and a “loyalty law” were passed, which required a police certificate of trustworthiness to obtain employment in government agencies and enterprises of strategic importance to national security. True, both laws were never put into effect and were soon repealed under pressure from American advisers so as not to spoil the “democratic image” of the Athenian authorities.

Government propaganda poster, 1948

Among the Greeks, the Americans recorded a “dependant” mood - they were still waiting for American troops to arrive and do everything for them. One of the American newspapers quoted the following words from a Greek lieutenant:

“The war in Greece is a war between the United States and Russia. We are simply unlucky that it is being carried out on our land. But Americans cannot demand that we fight for them alone.”

In Washington at the beginning of 1948, the issue of sending American troops to Greece was discussed. The National Security Council proposed sending a 25,000-strong contingent to Greece. But Secretary of State George Marshall and Secretary of Defense James Forrestal strongly opposed it. They were supported by the main American expert on the USSR, George Kennan, who believed that such actions would create an undesirable precedent:

“Then all other American allies, instead of mobilizing their own forces to fight, will ask to send troops.”

As a result, the Americans limited themselves to expanding military assistance. The advisory mission was transformed into the Joint Advisory and Planning Group, which essentially played the role of a joint American-Greek general staff that planned and organized military operations. In February 1948, its head, Lieutenant General James Van Fleet, an experienced military man, a participant in two World Wars, whom Dwight Eisenhower himself certified as "the best corps commander in the European theater of operations".

General Van Fleet (center) with Greek military leaders

In his first interview upon arrival in Athens, Van Fleet stated: " the best the guerrillas can do now is to surrender immediately.” The general promised to end them before the end of 1948. Van Fleet often visited active military units, encouraging soldiers. True, almost half of the general’s energy was spent fighting the Greek bureaucracy, which was corrupt and ineffective.

The number of American advisers was increased to 250, and about fifty British military advisers remained in Greece. Washington was still confident that the Greek communists were actively supported by Moscow. In fact, the situation was not so clear-cut.

Okrik from Moscow

On February 10, 1948, at a meeting in the Kremlin with Greek and Yugoslav leaders, during which they were harshly criticized by Stalin for projects of the Balkan Federation that were not coordinated with him, the Soviet leader expressed his opinions on the events in Greece:

“Recently I began to doubt that the partisans could win. If you are not sure that the partisans can win, then the partisan movement should be limited. The Americans and British have a very strong interest in the Mediterranean. They would like to have their bases in Greece and are using all possible means to support a government that is obedient to them. This is a serious international problem. If the partisan movement ceases, they will have no justification for attacking you... If you were confident that the partisans had a good chance of winning, then that would be a different question. But I have some doubts about this... The key issue is the balance of power. If you are strong, then strike. Otherwise, don't get into a fight."

True, during further discussion, Stalin agreed with the Yugoslav and Bulgarian comrades:

“If there is enough strength to win...then the fight must continue.”

On February 21, 1948, the deputy head of the Yugoslav government, Edward Kardelj, who participated in the February negotiations, told the leader of the Greek communists, Zachariadis, about them. According to Kardel, Stalin told him that he also had doubts about the Chinese communists. But these doubts turned out to be unfounded, and the same thing can happen to the Greek communists. As a result, the Greeks and Yugoslavs came to the conclusion that since Moscow does not directly prohibit it, then the armed struggle must be continued.

Bloody Spring 1948

American advisers considered the situation in Central Greece to be the primary danger. Here, about two and a half thousand partisans under the command of Major General DAG Ioannis Alexandru (Diamantis) expanded the controlled territory, operating already 20 kilometers from the capital. “The entire area from Lamia up to the approaches to Athens was controlled by partisans”– reported the Greek military. Communications connecting the capital with the north of the country were under constant threat.

DAG fighters

Against them, Van Fleet's headquarters developed Operation Haravgi (Dawn). It involved three army divisions (1st, 9th and 10th), two commando units, a reconnaissance regiment, seventeen national guard battalions, three artillery regiments, two air force squadrons and several warships - a total of 35 thousand people. It was planned to surround the area of the mountains of Sarantena, Vardusia, Gena, Parnassos, push the partisans to the south and, pressing them to the Gulf of Corinth, destroy them.

The operation began on April 15, but already on the night of April 16, under the cover of heavy rain, the main forces of the partisans broke through the cordon near the city of Karpenision and went north, inflicting heavy losses on the 9th Division. However, only by the end of April were Greek troops able to discover the absence of partisans in Central Greece.

Operation Dawn was soon overshadowed by high-profile political assassinations. On May 1, 1948, in Athens, the young communist Stafis Moutsoyiannis threw a grenade at Justice Minister Christos Ladas, who was leaving the Church of St. George Kyritsi. The minister was mortally wounded, and within a few hours the Greek authorities finally declared a state of emergency in the country. On May 4, a curfew was introduced in Athens and other cities, and 154 communists were shot in retaliation. Such mass executions sparked protests around the world, forcing Athens authorities to temporarily suspend executions.

American war journalist George Polk

On May 16, the body of the famous American war journalist George Polk was discovered on the seashore near Thessaloniki, with his hands and feet tied, shot in the head. He had disappeared a week earlier when he traveled north intending to interview General Marcos. The Greek authorities hastily accused the two communists of murder, but the case turned out to be so complicated that it fell apart in court. It was later determined that Polk had been kidnapped and killed by right-wing extremists who accused him of "secret communism."

First assault on the mountain stronghold

Since January 1948, the communist rebels have been implementing a plan imposed on the DAG command by the KKE leader Zachariadis. He insisted on a transition from guerrilla tactics to full-scale regular combat operations.

It was decided to concentrate the main forces of the DAG in the mountainous regions of Gramos and Vitsi in the north-west of the country, near the Albanian border, exhaust government forces in a defensive battle, and then launch a decisive counter-offensive. Within six months, these mountainous regions were turned into impregnable fortresses. More than 150 kilometers of trenches were laid here, hundreds of fortified posts and firing points were equipped.

DAG fighters on the slopes of Gramos

On the other hand, the Greek authorities and their American allies were also inclined to end the war with one decisive blow. Van Fleet's headquarters developed a plan for Operation Koronis ("Top"). In accordance with it, six of the seven Greek divisions (1st, 2nd, 8th, 9th, 10th and 15th), 11 artillery regiments, all mechanized units and more were concentrated in Western Macedonia 70 aircraft – almost 90 thousand military personnel. They were opposed by up to 11 thousand DAG fighters with 15 mountain artillery barrels.

The operation began on the night of June 21, 1948. After a massive artillery barrage, government forces went on the offensive in the Gramos area, planning to cut up the partisan forces and push them to the Albanian border. The 2nd, 10th and 15th divisions attacked from the northeast, the 9th division from the southwest.

Government army soldiers in Gramos

The offensive developed extremely slowly, the soldiers of the communist army offered fierce resistance, relying on well-prepared defenses, and government troops acted, according to American advisers, “excessively cautious.” By July 16, the offensive was stopped without noticeable success.

At the insistence of Van Fleet, the commander of the troops of Operation Koronis, Lieutenant General Kalogeropoulos, was replaced by the head of the operational department of the General Staff, Lieutenant General Stylianos Kitrilakis. On July 26, the attack on Gramos resumed.

On August 1, the Greek army, after several days of fierce fighting, captured the strategic Mount Kleftis, and several more heights were taken in the following days. The advancing units united. On August 11, Mount Alevica was taken near the Albanian border, and the threat of complete encirclement loomed over the main forces of the DAG. But on the night of August 21, 5 thousand of its fighters were able to break through the ring and escape to the Vitsi mountain range.

Map of the DAG breakthrough from Gramos to Vitsi, 1948

On August 30, the 2nd and 15th divisions of the Greek army launched an attack on Vitsi and by September 7 captured the Mali-Madi-Butsi mountain range dominating the area. However, on the night of September 11, 4 DAG brigades suddenly counterattacked three battered brigades of government forces and put them to flight, regaining control of the Mali-Madi-Butsi massif.

In October 1948, the early onset of winter brought an end to the government army's offensive operations in the mountains of northern Greece. And by the end of the year, DAG forces had regained control of the Gramos region.

Operation Koronis did not bring a decisive victory to government forces. Moreover, their concentration in Western Macedonia led to the intensification of the partisan movement in other parts of the country,

Zones d actions of DAG detachments by the end of 1948

On November 12, DAG units captured the city of Karditsa in Thessaly for three days, and on the night of December 24-25, 1948, they even shelled Thessaloniki, firing about 150 shells at the city.

Reorganization

Van Fleet, speaking at a meeting of senior officers in Athens following the 1948 campaign, stated that “the national army did not demonstrate an offensive spirit.” He spoke angrily about the “mediocrity of the Greek military leaders” and even threatened that if the Greeks continued to fight like this, then “the Americans will have to leave Greece.”

The result of the 1948 campaign was serious personnel changes in the command of the Greek army. On January 11, 1949, General Alexandros Papagos, a hero of the Greek-Italian War, who, after defeat in the spring of 1941, defiantly refused to flee the country and spent the war years in German captivity, became commander-in-chief of the Greek armed forces. His military talent, personal courage, undoubted patriotism and hostility to political machinations made Papagos the most popular man in Greece. The right saw him as the “savior of Greece.”

Stratarch (Field Marshal) Alexandros Papagos

However, the Americans had long objected to the general's involvement in the war against the rebels, fearing that this would ultimately lead to “creating a kind of dictatorship”. It was only in the midst of the failures of 1948 that the American Ambassador Henry Grady was forced to come to the conclusion that “the effectiveness and efficiency of government is more important than the preservation of traditional democratic institutions”.

Papagos set to work decisively, completing the task of expanding the army from 132 to 250 thousand people in six months. A large-scale recertification of officers was organized, during which hundreds of commanders at all levels were replaced. Officers who had proven their tactical skill on the battlefield were nominated. Measures were taken to strengthen discipline, any retreat without an order from the commander-in-chief was prohibited, and commanders on the battlefield received the right to shoot “cowards and alarmists” on the spot.

While government forces were strengthening, opposite processes were taking place on the opposite side.

Insurgency crisis

Throughout 1948, contradictions grew between the communist leader Zachariadis and the commander-in-chief of the DAG Vafiadis (Marcos) regarding the strategy for further struggle. General Marcos considered the transition to waging regular war by large army formations, with the capture and retention of cities, imposed by Zachariadis, to be premature. He thought it was “will force us willy-nilly to adhere to the spirit of defense”, which will ultimately lead to the defeat of the DAG. The conflict ended with the defeat of Vafiadis.

General Marcos (left) with senior DAG officers

On February 4, 1949, the KKE radio station reported that, since “For several months now, Comrade Markos Vafiadis has been seriously ill and cannot perform his duties”, he is relieved of his posts as commander-in-chief of the DAG and head of the Provisional Government, and is also removed from the Central Committee. It was later announced that General Marcos had gone to Albania for treatment. In the Albanian capital Tirana, Vafiadis was placed under house arrest, and a case began to be filed against him as a “British agent and Titoist.” Only Stalin's intervention saved the life of the legendary partisan commander.

Zachariadis himself became the new commander-in-chief of the DAG, who put forward the absolutely unrealistic slogan “to form a division of the Democratic Army in each district.” The provisional government was headed by Dimitrios Partsalidis.

The acute conflict that broke out in the summer of 1948 between Moscow and Belgrade also seriously affected the Greek communists. After some hesitation, the Greeks took the side of Moscow, and purges of the “Titoists” from the ranks of the KKE followed. In response, Belgrade began to gradually curtail its support for the Greek partisans. And Moscow’s attempts to establish another supply channel for the DAG through Bulgaria turned out to be ineffective.

Simultaneously with the announcement of Vafiadis's resignation, the decisions of the plenum of the Central Committee of the KKE on January 30–31, 1949 were made public. In an attempt to win over the Slavic population of northern Greece, the communists proclaimed a new policy on the national question. Aegean Macedonia was to become “an independent and equal member of the democratic federation of the Balkan peoples,” and a separate “Communist Organization of Aegean Macedonia” (KOAM) was created within the KKE.

This decision caused a massive influx of Macedonian Slavs into the ranks of the DAG; by the spring of 1949, according to some sources, they accounted for up to half the number of rebels.

Group of DAG fighters

But this could not outweigh the negative effect of this statement. Government newspapers simply reprinted the decision of the Central Committee of the KKE without editing or commenting, because it was difficult to come up with more direct and unambiguous evidence of the communist plans to dismember Greece. A number of well-known left-wing intellectuals who had previously supported the communists came out with their condemnation. As one of the Athens newspapers stated:

“Now the war is not for a change of government or social system, but for the very independence and territorial integrity of our country!”

This decision also provoked the final break of the KKE with Belgrade, which saw in it claims to the Yugoslav part of Macedonia. Tito completely stopped supporting the rebels and closed the Greek-Yugoslav border.

The forced conscription of men into the communist army in the territory controlled by it also seriously undermined the image of the DAS in the eyes of ordinary Greeks. As communist authors later wrote, as a result of such ill-considered decisions “the truly popular foundation of the Greek partisan movement was destroyed.”

The beginning of the defeat

Against the backdrop of these political events, the military campaign of 1949 unfolded.

Its first stage was the operation of government troops “Peristera” (“Dove”) to clear the Peloponnese from rebels, where the 3rd Division of the DAG operated under the command of Major General Vangelis Rogakos. The 1st Army Corps under the command of Lieutenant General Frasivoulis Tsakalotos acted against 4 thousand rebels - 44 thousand troops supported by artillery and aviation. The Greek fleet organized a blockade of the coast.

Greek artillery in action

The operation began on December 19, 1948. At the first stage, the territories along the Gulf of Corinth were cleared of rebels, then government troops advanced deeper into the peninsula. As a result, units of the DAG were surrounded in the mountainous region of Parnonas in the south-east of the Peloponnese and, after fierce battles, by the end of January 1949, they were defeated. Most of the rebels led by Rogakos were destroyed. One of the few survivors, the commander of the shock battalion, Major Kamarinos, subsequently described the reasons for the defeat as follows:

“The fatal mistake that led to the death of our forces in the Peloponnese was the transformation of partisan detachments into a regular army.”

By the end of March 1949, the cleansing of the Peloponnese was completed.

In an attempt to save its units on the peninsula, the DAG command rushed the elite 2nd Division of Major General Diamantis to the city of Karpenision in Central Greece. The city was successfully captured on January 19, but the commander-in-chief Papagos responded only by court-martialing the governor of Central Greece, General Ketzeas. On February 9, after the destruction of the main forces of the rebels in the Peloponnese, the forces of the 1st Corps of Tsakalotos, transferred to the north, recaptured Karpenision and began pursuing the 3rd Division, which ended in its encirclement and destruction.

Greek commandos in battle, 1949

The next stage (Operation Piravlos) involved the clearing of rebels from Rumelia, Thessaly and Central Macedonia by the forces of the 1st Army Corps. The operation began with the closure of the passes leading to the north on April 25. On May 5, a general offensive began. The DAG units, split into groups of 80–100 fighters, tried to get out of the encirclement, but were mostly destroyed. Greek commando units successfully operated against the DAG, copying partisan methods of fighting. The local population provided active support to government troops.

By the end of July 1949, Central Greece was cleared of communist rebels. At the same time, operations to defeat the DAG detachments in Crete, Samos, and Thrace were successfully completed. The last stronghold of the rebels was the areas of Gramos and Vitsi.

Last fights

By August 1949, the DAS numbered about 13 thousand people, concentrated in the mountainous regions of Gramos and Vitsi in the north-west of the country. A powerful defense was restored, the communist leadership hoped for a repeat of the 1948 scenario - to hold out until winter and then regain lost positions. Zachariadis has repeatedly promised that “Gramos will become the grave of the monarcho-fascists”.

DAG soldiers at the fortification in Gramos

But Commander-in-Chief Papagos was determined to end the communist uprising before the end of the year. Five divisions of the Greek army (2nd, 3rd, 9th, 10th, 11th), six battalions of the national guard, twelve artillery regiments, almost all mechanized, were involved in Operation Pyrsos (Torch). units and aircraft, including 50 Helldiver dive bombers that had just arrived from the United States. The entire group numbered more than 50 thousand military personnel.

Helldiver bomber of the Hellenic Air Force

The operation began with a diversionary strike. On the night of 2–3 August, the 9th Division attacked the heights located between Gramos and Vitsi, and the fighting continued until 7 August. In most places, DAG fighters managed to repel attacks by government troops. Having come to the conclusion that the main blow, as in the previous year, would be concentrated on Gramos, Zachariadis concentrated the main forces there, significantly weakening the defense of Vitsi.

Government soldiers during the fighting in Gramos

The attack on Vitsi, delivered by the main forces of government troops on the morning of August 10, took the DAG by surprise. A frontal attack on several directions was accompanied by active actions of Greek commandos behind rebel lines. Within two days, the DAG forces in the Vitsi area were defeated, their remnants fought their way to Gramos.

Vitsi assault map

The news of the rapid fall of Vitsi, which the communist leadership constantly called an “impregnable stronghold,” made a depressing impression on the DAS forces in Gramos. And on August 24, 1949, government forces, with massive artillery and air support, launched an offensive on a wide front against Gramos itself.

Map of the assault on Gramos

Within 3 days, the rebel resistance was broken, and by the morning of August 30, the remnants of the DAG, led by Zachariadis, retreated to Albanian territory. A week later, under the threat of intervention, Albanian leader Enver Hoxha was forced to announce the disarmament of all rebels who had crossed into Albanian territory.

On October 17, 1949, Radio Bucharest broadcast the declaration of the Provisional Democratic Government of Greece on the cessation of armed struggle:

“The DAG was defeated due to the enormous material superiority of the monarcho-fascists supported by foreign occupiers and the betrayal of the Titoites who stabbed in the back... Our forces stopped the bloodshed in order to save Greece from complete destruction, putting the interests of our country above all else. This does not mean capitulation at all.”

Individual small detachments of partisans continued to operate until the mid-50s

Results

The Greek Civil War ended in victory for the government, which was ensured by massive American assistance and the mobilization of society under patriotic slogans.

Greek flag over a peak in the Gramos area, 1949

According to official figures, government forces suffered 12,777 killed, 37,732 wounded and 4,257 missing. Greek partisans killed 4,124 civilians, including 165 priests. 931 people were blown up by mines. 476 conventional and 439 railway bridges were blown up, 80 railway stations were destroyed, 1,700 villages were completely or partially destroyed.

The partisan losses amounted to about 20 thousand people, another 40 thousand were captured or surrendered. About 100 thousand people were arrested and interned, approximately 5 thousand were executed. Between 80 and 100 thousand Greeks fled the country. The persecution of the left continued for several decades, in fact until the fall of the regime of the “black colonels”.

Members of the far-right organization Golden Dawn celebrate the next anniversary of the capture of Gramos, 2015

Only in 1981, the victorious socialist government of the PASOK party allowed DAG veterans to return to the country and awarded state pensions to those who participated in the anti-fascist struggle. Among them was the former commander-in-chief of the DAG, Markos Vafiadis, who was even elected as a member of parliament from PASOK.

However, to this day the civil war causes heated debate in Greek society.

Literature:

A.A. Kalinin. American participation in internal political processes in Greece in 1947–1949. – Bulletin of Nizhny Novgorod University named after. N.I. Lobachevsky, 2014, No. 3 (1), p. 164–171
G.D. Kyryakidis. Civil war in Greece 1946–1949 – M.: Nauka, 1972
A.A. Ulunyan. Political history of modern Greece. End of the 18th century – 90s XX century Course of lectures - M.: IVI RAS, 1998
David Brewer. Greece, the Decade of War: Occupation, Resistance and Civil War - I.B.Tauris, 2016
The Greek Civil War, 1947–1949: Lessons for the Operational Artist In Foreign Internal Defense – CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2015
Misha Glenny. The Balkans: nationalism, war, and the great powers, 1804–2012 – Anansi Press, 2012
Jonh Sakkas. Britain and the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 – Verlag Franz Philipp Rutzen, 2007
Stephen Villiotis. From Skeptical Disinterest To Ideological Crusade: The Road To American Participation In The Greek Civil War, 1943–1949 – University of Central Florida, 2004

In Greece, between leftist forces led by communists and the royal government supported by Great Britain and the United States. After the occupation of Greece during World War II by the armies of the fascist bloc, the liberation struggle of the Greek people from the fall of 1941 was led by the Greek National Liberation Front (EAF), in which the communists played a leading role. By October 1944, the Greek People's Liberation Army (ELAS), led by him, liberated almost the entire territory of the country. The Political Committee for National Liberation (PEEA), created by EAM, performed the functions of a provisional government in Greece. Under his leadership, administrative, judicial and law enforcement bodies were created, elections to the National Assembly of Greece were held, and many laws were adopted. On October 4, 1944, British troops landed in Greece. On October 18, 1944, the government of national unity formed in Cairo, headed by G. Papandreou, arrived in Athens, in which the majority of seats belonged to ministers from the royal emigrant cabinet. His attempts, relying on British troops, to remove the authorities created by the Greek Resistance from governing the country, dissolve ELAS and restore the monarchy led to an acute political crisis. On December 3 and 4, 1944, British troops shot down mass peaceful demonstrations in support of EAM in Athens and Piraeus, and on December 5, 1944, they began military operations against ELAS. The conflict was settled on February 12, 1945. The EAM leadership signed with the new government of Greece, headed by General N. Plastiras, the Varkiza Agreement of 1945, which provided for a ceasefire, the abolition of martial law, purge of the army, police, and state apparatus from collaborators, ensuring democratic freedoms and holding a referendum on the state structure of Greece. EAM agreed to demobilize ELAS while simultaneously disbanding the right-wing Black Front and other armed groups. However, after the dissolution of ELAS, the right-wing armed formations were not disbanded, the persecution of left-wing forces began in the country, and in the fall of 1945, the Black Front units switched to open terror against communists, EAM members and former ELAS fighters. In response, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Greece called for the creation of self-defense units, and partisan units began to form in the mountains. The left boycotted the parliamentary elections of March 31, 1946 and did not recognize the results of the plebiscite of September 1, 1946, as a result of which the monarchy was restored in Greece, declaring that in the first case the electoral lists and in the second the voting results were falsified. The refusal of the British government to fulfill its promise to withdraw troops from its territory after the parliamentary elections in Greece further aggravated the situation. On October 26, 1946, the day before the arrival of King George II in Athens, the left announced the formation of the Democratic Army of Greece (DAG), which was led by the communist M. Vafiadis, former deputy commander of the Macedonian ELAS group. This date is considered the beginning of the Greek Civil War.

At the end of 1946-47, the DAS managed to win a series of victories over government forces and take control of areas in the north and northwest of the country, as well as in the central Peloponnese and on the island of Crete. In March 1947, British troops were withdrawn from Greece, and in the same month the US administration announced support for the Greek government. On June 20, 1947, an American-Greek agreement was concluded, according to which the Greek government was provided with financial assistance, military advisers and weapons were sent (in total, 210 thousand tons of weapons were delivered from the United States, including tanks, airplanes, and mountain artillery). The ruling circles of Greece launched a propaganda campaign, accusing the USSR, Yugoslavia, Albania and Bulgaria of interfering in the internal affairs of Greece, and sent a corresponding complaint to the UN Security Council, which, however, was not accepted for consideration. On April 6, 1947, the USSR government, as a sign of protest, recalled almost the entire staff of the Soviet embassy in Athens, headed by the ambassador. Having failed to defeat the DAS, the Greek government intensified repression at the end of 1947 - the Communist Party and EAM were banned, and “dead zones” were created around the areas where the DAS operated (in total, about 800 thousand people, mostly peasants, were evicted). In the spring of 1948, mass executions of political prisoners began. By the summer of 1948, the Greek government managed to significantly strengthen the army, increasing its strength to 300 thousand people, and move on to decisive action against the rebels. In July 1948, partisan forces were destroyed in Crete, in January 1949, DAG detachments were defeated in the Peloponnese, and at the end of August 1949, a 20,000-strong DAG group was defeated in the area of the Gramos and Vitsi mountains in Aegean Macedonia (its remnants went to the territory of Yugoslavia). 10/9/1949 The Provisional Democratic Government of Greece (formed by the rebels on 12/23/1947) announced the end of resistance.

In total, about 100 thousand people died during the civil war in Greece, tens of thousands of people left the country, 700 thousand people became refugees. A significant part of the population of Aegean Macedonia was forcibly resettled in the southern regions of Greece and replaced by the Greek population from these areas. After the defeat of the partisan movement, the Greek authorities brutally persecuted representatives of the leftist forces. The events of the civil war in Greece left a serious imprint on the political life of the country until the mid-1970s.

Lit.: Kyryakidis G.D. Civil War in Greece. 1946-1949. M., 1972; Greece, 1940-1949: occupation, resistance, civil war: a documentary history / Ed. by R. Clogg. N.Y., 2002.

By the end of 1944, monarchists, republicans and communists entered into a fierce struggle for power. The British-backed provisional government proved untenable, with leftists threatening a coup and the British applying further pressure to prevent the communists from strengthening in the country in hopes of restoring the Greek monarchy.

On December 3, 1944, police opened fire on communist demonstrators in Syntagma Square in Athens, killing several people. The events of the next six weeks were marked by a brutal struggle between left and right - this period in Greek history was called Dekemvriana (“December Events”) and became the first stage of the Greek Civil War. British troops invaded the country, thereby preventing the ELAS-EAM coalition from winning.

In February 1945, armistice negotiations between the communists and the government failed, and the civil conflict continued. Many citizens with very different political views were subjected to repression by both left-wing and right-wing radicals who tried to intimidate their opponents. The monarchists won the elections in March 1946 (the Communists boycotted the elections to no avail), and a referendum (many believed rigged) brought George II back to the throne in September.

In December, the left-wing Democratic Army of Greece (DAG) was formed to renew the fight against the monarchy and its English supporters. Under the leadership of Markos Vafiadis, the DAS quickly occupied large swaths of territory along Greece's northern border with Albania and Yugoslavia.

In 1947, the army invaded Greece, and the local Greek War became part of the Cold War between the world's two superpowers. Communism was outlawed, and a certificate of political reliability became mandatory, the provision of which was in effect until 1962. The certificate certified that its holder did not hold leftist views - without this certificate, the Greeks did not have the right to vote and could not get a job. The American humanitarian aid and international development program hardly provided any real assistance in stabilizing the situation in the country. The DAG continued to receive assistance from the north (from Yugoslavia, and indirectly from the USSR through the countries of the Balkan Peninsula), and by the end of 1947, a significant part of mainland Greece, as well as parts of the islands of Crete, Chios and Lesvos, was already under its control.

In 1949, when it seemed that victory was almost won, troops of the central government began to push the DAS out of the Peloponnese, but the fighting continued in the mountains of Epirus until October 1949, when Yugoslavia fell out with the USSR and stopped supporting the DAS.

The civil war exhausted Greece politically and undermined its economy. In three years of heavy fighting, more Greeks died than in the entire Second World War, and a quarter of a million people in the country were left homeless.

Despair became the main reason for mass emigration. Almost a million people left Greece in search of a better life, in particular to countries such as

On December 3, 1944, with the Greek Bloody Sunday - the police shooting of a prohibited communist demonstration - the Civil War in Greece began.

In accordance with the agreement between the Greek and British governments, concluded in Caserta on September 20, 1944, after the liberation of Greece from German troops and their allies, all armed forces in the country came under the subordination of the Greek High Command, which was actually headed by British General Scobie.
On October 12, partisan units of the 1st Corps of the Greek People's Liberation Army (ELAS) liberated Athens, although according to the Treaty of Caserta this should have been done by troops subordinate to Prime Minister Papandreou along with the British. This problem was hushed up, but the contradictions between parts of ELAS, the British and the Greeks subordinate to the emigrant government grew more and more.

Meanwhile, back on October 9, 1944, Stalin and Churchill concluded the so-called Interest Agreement, according to which Greece “90%” would fall into the British sphere of influence. Apart from a narrow circle of people, no one knew about this agreement.

On November 5, Papandreou announced, in consultation with General Scobie, that since all Greek territory had been liberated from the Germans, ELAS and EDES (Republican People's Hellenic League) would be demobilized by December 10. Lengthy negotiations followed between the government and the Greek National Liberation Front (EAM).

The government's ultimatum of December 1, demanding general disarmament, but excluding the 3rd Greek Brigade and the Sacred Detachment from disarmament, caused disagreement and protest from the EAM: it turned out that the ELAS units, which successfully fought with the invaders on their native soil, were disarmed, and the only Greek military the units created outside Greece (the Middle East) and actually controlled by the British remained in force. The British, in turn, sought to quickly withdraw the main combat-ready units from Greece in order to use them against the Germans, and leave loyal local troops in the Balkans. There also remained collaborators - sworn enemies of the Greek partisans who tried to survive in this confusion and were part of the game of opposing factions.

In protest against the "master's" British policy in Greece, on December 2, the EAM leadership announced a general strike scheduled for December 4. At the beginning, Papandreou gave his consent to hold the meeting, but after the intervention of Scobie and the English ambassador, he banned it. EAM hastened to postpone the meeting to December 3 and decided not to wait for the main parts of ELAS to approach Athens.

On Sunday 3 December, ignoring Papandreou's ban, hundreds of thousands of Athenians peacefully filled Syntagma Square. The demonstrators chanted slogans: “no new occupation”, “collaborators to justice”, “long live the allies, Russians, Americans, British.” Out of the blue, police stationed in the surrounding buildings began shooting indiscriminately at the mass of people.
But even after the first killed and wounded, the demonstrators did not run away, chanting “murderer Papandreou” and “English fascism will not pass.”

The news of the start of the shooting mobilized people from the working-class neighborhoods of Athens and Piraeus, and another 200 thousand people approached the city center. The police fled, hiding behind British tanks and guns.

As a result of the Greek Bloody Sunday, 33 people were killed and more than 140 wounded.

The events of December 3 marked the beginning of the Greek Civil War. The country had just liberated itself from the German occupiers, the Second World War had not yet ended, and the fire of a fratricidal war was already burning in the European country.

After a clash between the police and the Greek communists, Churchill ordered General Scobie to intervene in the events taking place, opening fire if necessary on demonstrators and anyone who did not comply with the orders of the authorities.
On December 24, due to the seriousness of the current situation, the British Prime Minister personally flew to Athens, trying to find the possibility of a compromise between the warring political forces, but even the “cunning fox” Churchill could not find it.

As a result, ELAS armed forces numbering about 40 thousand people tried to capture Athens at the beginning of 1945, but encountered fierce resistance from British troops. The well-armed British, supported by aviation and mountain artillery, inflicted heavy losses on ELAS, thousands of Greek fighters were surrounded and surrendered. Only a small number of irreconcilables managed to escape to the mountains.

As difficulties grew, signs of a split emerged within the Greek National Liberation Front itself: a significant part of its leadership advocated abandoning the continuation of the armed struggle.
Under the current conditions, the Greek Communist Party, at the insistence of its leader Siantos, agreed to a cessation of hostilities and participation in legal political activities on equal terms with other parties and movements.

In January 1945, the Greek partisans signed an unfavorable truce, and on February 12, a compromise agreement was concluded between representatives of the Greek government and the leadership of the KKE and EAM in the city of Varkiza. In accordance with it, ELAS was dissolved. But the radical Greek resistance group led by Velouchiotis refused to comply with the signed agreement, not without reason believing that the communists would still be deceived.

In September 1945, King George II returned from exile to Greece. However, his almost triumphant return to his country was overshadowed by the fact that the irreconcilable partisans turned to sabotage and terrorism. Their main camps and supply bases were located on the territory of neighboring states - Yugoslavia and Albania.

Yugoslavia played the most important role in supporting the Greek partisans from the end of 1944. When British troops, together with Greek government forces, launched a campaign of persecution of EAM and ELAS supporters, the KKE leadership tried to gain support from the communist parties of neighboring countries, especially Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. In November 1944, member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the KKE P. Rusoe met with I.B. Tito, who agreed to help EAM/ELAS militarily in the event of a conflict between them and the British.
But this was clearly not enough, and the leaders of the KKE tried to intensify their relations with the Bulgarian Workers' Party (communists).

However, Bulgaria, not without an eye to Moscow, took an evasive position. On December 19, 1944, a radiogram with a message from G. Dimitrov was transmitted to L. Stringos, a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the KKE. He wrote that in view of the “current international situation, armed support for the Greek comrades from the outside is completely impossible. Help from Bulgaria or Yugoslavia, which will put them and ELAS against the British armed forces, will now help the Greek comrades of little, but at the same time, on the contrary, it can be very severely damage Yugoslavia and Bulgaria." The telegram further stated that EAM/ELAS must rely primarily on their own strengths.

Meanwhile, the situation continued to heat up. On May 29, 1945, the General Secretary of the KKE Central Committee N. Zachariadis, who had been in the Dachau concentration camp since 1941, returned to Greece. This event was immediately regarded as a turning point: Zachariadis was committed to an armed struggle for power.
On October 2, 1945, the VII Congress of the KKE opened, which examined internal and foreign policy problems, primarily the situation in the Balkan region. Regarding the ways to establish a people's democratic system, N. Zachariadis rejected the position of some members of the KKE, who believed that there was a possibility of a peaceful rise to power.

The second plenum of the Central Committee of the KKE, held on February 12-15, 1946, decided to refuse to participate in the elections and the need to move to organizing an armed popular struggle against the “monarchofascists” in conditions where the country was under military occupation by Great Britain. The decision was made under pressure from N. Zachariadis, who considered the existence of the USSR and countries with a “people's democratic system” in the Balkans to guarantee the victory of the socialist revolution in Greece. He was confident that in this fierce struggle the Soviet Union, with its enormous international authority, would not leave the Greek communists without help and support.

In the spring of 1946, returning from the Congress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the KKE met in Belgrade with I.B. Tito, and then arrived in Crimea to meet with I.V. Stalin. The leaders of both states expressed support for the position of the KKE.
But Zachariadis did not know about the unspoken agreement between Stalin and Churchill on the division of spheres of influence in Europe. Stalin, well aware of the limitations of his military-political resources, was inclined to exercise caution and caution in real politics. His absolute priority in that period was primarily Eastern Europe, not the Balkans. As a result, he could offer the Greek communists not much - moral and political-diplomatic support. This is not always sufficient.

Ultimately, the Greek communists found themselves virtually alone with government forces, backed by powerful military support from the United States and Great Britain. Of course, there will be some help from Yugoslavia, Albania, and to a lesser extent from Bulgaria, but it will clearly not be enough to win or at least prolong the conflict.

The Greek Civil War will end on October 16, 1949, when the last units of the Democratic Army of Greece (DAH), the successor to ELAS, the armed wing of the KKE, leave for Albania and there declare the end of their struggle.

The rude policy of the British towards the Greeks will lead to the fact that after the victory of the royal forces in the Civil War, the Kingdom of Greece will be in the zone of influence not of Britain, but of the United States.