He headed the Southern Society. Education of northern and southern society

In 1821 - 1822, the Southern and Northern societies were created. According to the new charter, it was intended to create four leadership centers, called dumas: in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Smolensk and Tulchin. A number of members, representatives of the moderate wing of society, spoke out against Pavel Pestel. Pestel’s apartment in Tulchin became a center where those dissatisfied with the resolution of the congress gathered. Pestel's office became the place of birth in 1821. Southern Society of Decembrists.

At its very first founding meeting, the Southern Society confirmed the demand of the republic and emphasized that the secret society had not been destroyed, its activities continued. Pestel raised questions about regicide and the tactics of the military revolution, which were accepted unanimously.

Immediately after the first meeting, a second was convened, mainly devoted to organizational issues. Pestel was elected chairman, Yushnevsky guardian of the society. Both were elected to the directory of the society. Nikita Muravyov was elected as the third member of the directory. The main thing was that Southern society, having adopted a revolutionary method of action through troops, considered the beginning of military operations in the capital to be the main requirement for success. Power could only be seized in the capital by breaking the resistance of tsarism and overthrowing it. But starting actions on the outskirts would simply be pointless. Thus, at the moment of the birth of the Southern Society of the Decembrists, the question of the need for the emergence of a Northern Society had already been fundamentally resolved. The success of the capital's performance decided the matter.

The main issue resolved at the second meeting of the society was the question of the dictatorial power of the elected leaders. Obedience to the elected directory was accepted unconditionally.

In connection with the adoption of the tactics of the military revolution, it was necessary to attract the military into society, especially those who command a separate military unit.

After the election of directors, the Tulchin directory “was divided into two councils: Vasilkovskaya and Kamenskaya. They were controlled: the first by S. Muravyov, who later joined Mikhail Bestuzhev-Ryumin, the second by Vasily Davydov. Colonel Pestel and S. Muravyov were the core on which the entire rebellion of Southern society revolved. They attracted a large following."

Every year in January, starting from 1822, congresses of the Southern Society met in Kyiv to discuss organizational, tactical and program issues. Chernov S.N., At the origins of the Russian liberation movement, S., 1980.

The political program of Southern society, compiled by P.I. Pestel. Pavel Pestel worked for years on the draft of his constitution. He was a supporter of the dictatorship of a temporary supreme rule during the revolution, and considered dictatorship a decisive condition for success. His constitutional project “Russian Truth is a mandate or instruction to the temporary government for its actions, and at the same time an announcement to the people of what they will be freed from and what they can expect again.” The full name of this project reads: “Russian Truth, or the Reserved State Charter of the Great Russian People, which serves as a testament for the improvement of the State structure of Russia and contains the right order both for the people and for the Provisional Supreme Government.”

Pestel called his project “Russian Truth” in memory of the ancient legislative monument of Kievan Rus. He wanted to honor national traditions with this name and emphasize the connection of the future revolution with the historical past of the Russian people. Pestel attached great tactical importance to Russkaya Pravda. The revolution could not be carried out successfully without a ready-made constitutional draft.

He especially carefully developed the idea of a temporary supreme revolutionary government, the dictatorship of which, according to Pestel, was a guarantee against “national civil strife” that he wanted to avoid.

In “Russian Truth” there were 10 chapters: the first chapter is “about the land space of the state”; the second - “about the tribes inhabiting Russia”; the third - “about the classes found in Russia”; the fourth - “about the people in relation to the political or social state prepared for them”; fifth - “about the people in relation to the civil or private state prepared for them”; sixth - about the structure and formation of the supreme power; seventh - about the structure and formation of local authorities; the eighth - about the “security structure” in the state; ninth - “about the government in relation to the structure of welfare in the state”; the tenth is an order for drawing up a state code of laws. In addition, “Russkaya Pravda” had an introduction that spoke about the basic concepts of the constitution.

The question of serfdom and the question of the destruction of the autocracy are two main questions of the political ideology of the Decembrists.

Pestel's project proclaimed the decisive and radical abolition of serfdom.

In his agrarian project, Pestel stood for the liberation of peasants with land. All cultivated land in each volost is divided into two parts: the first part is public property, it can neither be sold nor bought, it goes to the communal division between those who want to engage in farming and is intended for the production of a “necessary product”; the second part of the land is private property, it can be bought and sold, it is intended for the production of “abundance”. Klyuchevsky V.O. Alexander I and the Decembrists. M., 1975. pp. 45 - 47.

Every citizen of the future republic must be assigned to one of the volosts and has the right at any time to freely receive the land plot due to him and cultivate it, but he can neither give it as a gift, nor sell it, nor mortgage it. Land can be purchased only from the second part of the land fund.

Pestel considered it necessary to alienate the landowners' land with partial confiscation. There was alienation of land for compensation, as well as gratuitous alienation and confiscation. Thus, landownership (with the complete abolition of serfdom!) was still partially preserved. In other words, Pestel did not dare to defend the slogan of transferring all the land to the peasants.

Considering land to be a public property, Pestel never spoke about the purchase by peasants of the land that they would receive from the state after the revolution as communal property. The landowners received money from the state, and not from the peasants, for the land going to the peasants. Pestel designed only some types of peasant work for the landowner during the transition period.

Pestel assumed the presence of banks and pawnshops in each volost, which would give the peasant a loan for the initial establishment. Pestel is a staunch opponent of autocracy and tyranny. According to his project, the autocracy in Russia was decisively destroyed, and the entire reigning house was physically exterminated.

"Russian Truth" proclaimed a republic. All classes in the state were to be decisively destroyed, “all people in the state should constitute only one class, which can be called civil.” No group of the population could differ from another by any social privileges. The nobility was destroyed along with all other classes, and all Russians were declared equally “noble.” The equality of all before the law was declared and the “indisputable right” of every citizen to participate in public affairs was recognized.

Guilds, workshops and military settlements were destroyed. According to the constitution, a Russian reached civil adulthood at the age of 20. All male citizens who reached this age received voting rights (women did not have voting rights). Pestel was an enemy of any federal structure and a supporter of a single and indivisible republic with a strong centralized power.

Pestel's Republic was divided into provinces or regions, which in turn were divided into counties, and counties into volosts. Every year in each volost a general volost meeting of all residents, the so-called, was supposed to meet. Zemstvo People's Assembly, which elected its deputies to various “local assemblies”, i.e. local authorities, namely: 1) to their local volost assembly, 2) to their local district assembly, 3) to their local district or provincial assembly. Elections to these three government bodies were direct. The head of the local volost assembly was the elected “volost leader”, and the head of the district and provincial local assemblies were the “elected mayors”. District local assemblies also elected representatives to the highest legislative body - the People's Assembly.

The People's Council was the body of the supreme legislative power in the state; it was unicameral. Executive power in the state was vested in the State Duma.

The People's Council was supposed to be composed of people's representatives elected for five years. No one had the right to dissolve the People's Assembly, because it “represents the will in the state, the soul of the people.”

The State Duma consisted of five members elected by the people's council for five years. In addition to the legislative and executive powers, Pestel identified a guardian power, which was supposed to control the exact implementation of the constitution in the country and ensure that the legislative and executive powers did not go beyond the limits set by the laws.

Pestel's Constitution proclaimed the bourgeois principle - the sacred and inviolable right of property. She declared complete freedom of occupation for the population, freedom of printing and religion.

The borders of the republic were to expand to their “natural limits.”

Pestel's views on the national question were unique. Pestel did not recognize the right of separation of other nationalities from the Russian state: all the peoples inhabiting Russia had to merge into a single Russian people and lose their national characteristics.

This was Pestel’s constitutional project - “Russian Truth”. This was a revolutionary project for the bourgeois reorganization of serf Russia. He abolished serfdom and autocracy, established a republic instead of a backward absolutist state. It bears some stamp of noble narrow-mindedness, but on the whole it represents a kind of plan for the strong advancement of backward feudal-serf Russia. This was the most decisive, radical of the constitutional projects created by the revolutionary nobles.

But not everything in Pestel’s program was realistic. It was impossible, for example, to abolish estates in Russia at that time. This would lead to the destruction of the social structures of society and could result in collapse and chaos. Russia was not very ready to rebuild itself according to Pestel’s project. Nechkina M.V. Decembrist movement. - M., 1975. P. 101.

“Northern” and “Southern” societies of the Decembrists, their programs. Decembrist revolt

Introduction

One of the most important events of the 19th century was the Decembrist uprising. The emergence of the Decembrist movement was determined by the entire course of historical development of Russia. The powerless situation of the masses and its comparison with what was seen in Western Europe became one of the main factors in the formation of the liberation ideology of the Decembrists.

In the 1810s, things began to happen in the first estate of Russia that were unthinkable under Catherine II or Paul I. People increasingly began to value each other not by rank, titles or capital, but by way of thinking and kinship of souls. Cards, wine, and dancing were replaced by books, magazines, chess, and debates on social and political issues.

The history of Decembrism begins in 1810-1811, when officer artels began to emerge in the guards regiments. There was still nothing political or oppositional to the government in them; they rather opposed the usual way of life and thinking

The Decembrists rightly called themselves “children of 1812.” Indeed, the wars with Napoleon not only gave impetus to the growth of self-awareness of society, not only forced the nobles to recognize themselves as defenders of the Fatherland, showed them the people in all their patriotic strength, but also allowed them to compare the conditions and orders of life in Russia and Europe, introduced the noble youth to the latest ideas century.

The ideology of Decembrism was the “top floor” of noble love of freedom, protest against bureaucracy in thoughts, feelings and actions. It was based on the philosophy of the Enlightenment. Liberalism and revolutionism were still closely intertwined in it.

Chapter 1. Formation of the worldview of the Decembrists.

The patriotic upsurge in the Patriotic War of 1812 had a great influence on the formation of the liberation ideas of the Decembrists. The victory of the Russian people in the war contributed to the growth of national self-awareness and gave a powerful impetus to the development of advanced social thought in Russia. It was the war of 1812. deeply and acutely posed to future Decembrists the question of the fate of Russia, the paths of its development, revealed the enormous potential of the Russian people, who, as the Decembrists believed, having liberated their country from foreign invasion, sooner or later had to find the strength to throw off the yoke of serfdom.

The Decembrists gradually realized the fight against serfdom and autocracy as the main goals of their activities. They formed their views by delving into the life of the landowners' serf estates, which they knew well from childhood, into the events of the Patriotic War of 1812, on the fields of which they shed blood, defending their homeland from the invading Napoleon, in foreign campaigns that liberated Europe, where they saw with their own eyes " war of peoples and kings" against feudal oppression.

The Decembrist movement took place in line with the global revolutionary process, constituting its organic part. “The present century,” P.I. Pestel wrote in his testimony, “is marked by revolutionary thoughts. From one end of Europe to the other one can see the same thing, from Portugal to Russia, without excluding a single state, even England and Turkey, these two opposites. All of America presents the same spectacle. The spirit of transformation makes, so to speak, minds everywhere bubble... These are the reasons, I believe, that gave rise to revolutionary thoughts and rules and rooted them in the minds.”1

The Decembrists' interest in reading the political and philosophical works of Western European and Russian thinkers, in the study of political economy, ancient and modern history, increased. They were interested in new books, advanced foreign newspapers and magazines. The ideas of Western Europe and America facilitated and accelerated the development of Russian liberation ideology.

Chapter 2. Early secret societies of the Decembrists.

2.1. Union of Salvation.

The Secret Society of Decembrists was born on February 9, 1816. In Petersburg. Its first name was the Union of Salvation. Russia had to be saved, it stood on the edge of an abyss - this is what the members of the emerging society thought. The initiator of its creation was 23-year-old Colonel of the General Staff Alexander Nikolaevich Muravyov.

The Union of Salvation was a small, closed, conspiratorial group of like-minded people, numbering no more than 10 to 12 members even a year after its founding. Only at the end of its existence it reached 30 people.

The most prominent members of the Union were Prince Sergei Petrovich Trubetskoy, a senior officer of the General Staff; Nikita Muravyov, second lieutenant of the General Staff; Matvey and Sergey Muravyov-Apostles; Second Lieutenant of the Semenovsky Life Guards Regiment Ivan Dmitrievich Yakushkin; nephew of the famous 18th century enlightener Mikhail Nikolaevich Novikov and one of the most prominent Decembrists - Pavel Ivanovich Pestel.

The main goals of the struggle were generally clear: to eliminate serfdom and autocracy, to introduce a constitution and representative government. But the means and ways to achieve this were vague.

One of the fundamental ideas of the Enlightenment was the thesis that opinion rules the world, that the order in a country corresponds to the prevailing public opinion in it. The task of revolutionaries, therefore, is not to prepare a conspiracy, not to seize and retain power, but to cultivate progressive public opinion, which, having captured the broad masses, will sweep away the old government.

2.2. Union of Prosperity.

In accordance with the new tactical guidelines, the revolutionaries in 1818 formed a new society - the Union of Welfare, which differed from the previous one in a more complex organizational structure, and was supposed to cover all spheres of the country's life - the army, bureaucracy, education, journalism, court, etc. . The Welfare Union proclaimed goals that largely coincided with the aspirations, albeit not made public, of the Winter Palace; it was difficult for its members to bring formal charges. Because of this, the Union was a semi-legal organization that attracted into its ranks not only radical revolutionaries, but also people who held liberal views.

Its main task was the abolition of serfdom, the elimination of the autocratic serfdom, and the introduction of “legally free” representative government.

It is important to note the fact that the Welfare Union took shape organizationally and launched a lot of work on its program, which was enshrined in the Green Book. The charter consisted of two parts. The first part outlined the basic organizational principles of the secret society and the responsibilities of its members. The “secret goal” of the Welfare Union was outlined in the second part.

The second part of the charter of the Union of Welfare (“secret”) was drawn up later. “Here is his program: the abolition of slavery, equality of citizens before the law, transparency in public affairs, transparency of legal proceedings, destruction of the wine monopoly, destruction of military settlements, improving the lot of defenders of the fatherland, establishing a limit for their service, reduced from 25 years, improving the lot of members of our clergy, in peacetime, a reduction in the size of our army.”2

In January 1820, the St. Petersburg meeting took place, at which the question was posed: “Which government is better - constitutional-monarchical or republican?” “In conclusion, the republican government was adopted unanimously.”3

Thus, the Welfare Union is the organization in the history of the Russian revolutionary movement that first decided to fight for a republican form of government in Russia. Of course, the change in program also led to a change in tactics.

A year after the St. Petersburg meeting of 1820. The Moscow Congress took place. In connection with the events taking place in the world, and in particular in Russia (the uprising of the Semenovsky regiment in October 1820), it was necessary to reorganize the secret society, develop a new program (in close connection with constitutional projects), and radically change tactics and criteria selection of members, develop a general plan for open speech.

The new program and charter of the newly created secret society were duly drawn up and signed.

The Moscow Congress decided to cut off from the movement both its wavering, unstable part and its most radical elements. It was announced to Pestel and his like-minded people that the society was dissolved.

Chapter 3. “Northern” and “Southern” societies of the Decembrists.

3.1. The emergence of new secret societies.

According to the new charter, it was intended to create four leadership centers, called dumas: in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Smolensk and Tulchin. A number of members, representatives of the moderate wing of society, spoke out against Pavel Pestel. Pestel’s apartment in Tulchin became a center where those dissatisfied with the resolution of the congress gathered. Pestel's office became the place of birth in 1821. Southern Society of Decembrists.

The main issue resolved at the second meeting of the society was the question of the dictatorial power of the elected leaders. Obedience to the elected directory was accepted unconditionally.

In connection with the adoption of the tactics of the military revolution, it was necessary to attract the military into society, especially those who command a separate military unit.

Every year in January, starting from 1822, congresses of the Southern Society met in Kyiv to discuss organizational, tactical and program issues.

In March - April 1821 The Northern Society arose. At first it consisted of two groups: the first was the group of Nikita Muravyov, who wrote his draft program and charter of the new secret society in a spirit more radical than the resolutions of the Moscow Congress of 1821; the second was the group of Nikolai Turgenev, which was in solidarity with the program of the Moscow Congress.

Northern society also had a number of departments in the guards regiments of the capital. The Duma was at the head of the society. In 1823 Nikita Muravyov’s assistants “were made princes Trubetskoy and Obolensky.”5 After Trubetskoy left for Tver, Kondraty Ryleev was elected in his place. The Northern Society also included its Moscow administration, in which I.I. Pushchin occupied a prominent place.

3.2. Political program of Southern society. “Russian Truth” by P.I. Pestel

Pavel Pestel worked for years on the draft of his constitution. He was a supporter of the dictatorship of a temporary supreme rule during the revolution, and considered dictatorship a decisive condition for success. His constitutional project “Russian Truth is a mandate or instruction to the temporary government for its actions, and at the same time an announcement to the people from what they will be liberated and what they can expect again.”6 The full name of this project reads: “Russian Truth, or Reserved State The Certificate of the Great Russian People, which serves as a testament for the improvement of the State structure of Russia and contains the right order both for the people and for the Provisional Supreme Government.”7

In “Russian Truth” there were 10 chapters: the first chapter is “about the land space of the state”; the second - “about the tribes inhabiting Russia”; the third - “about the classes found in Russia”; the fourth – “about the people in relation to the political or social state prepared for them”; fifth - “about the people in relation to the civil or private state prepared for them”; sixth - about the structure and formation of the supreme power; seventh - about the structure and formation of local authorities; the eighth is about the “security structure” in the state; ninth - “about the government in relation to the structure of welfare in the state”; the tenth is an order for drawing up a state code of laws. In addition, “Russkaya Pravda” had an introduction that spoke about the basic concepts of the constitution.8

The question of serfdom and the question of the destruction of the autocracy are two main questions of the political ideology of the Decembrists.

Pestel's project proclaimed the decisive and radical abolition of serfdom.

Pestel assumed the presence of banks and pawnshops in each volost, which would give the peasant a loan for the initial establishment.

Pestel is a staunch opponent of autocracy and tyranny. According to his project, the autocracy in Russia was decisively destroyed, and the entire reigning house was physically exterminated.

"Russian Truth" proclaimed a republic. All classes in the state had to be decisively destroyed, “all people in the state should constitute only one class, which can be called civil.”9 No group of the population could differ from another by any social privileges. The nobility was destroyed along with all other classes, and all Russians were declared equally “noble.” The equality of all before the law was declared and the “indisputable right” of every citizen to participate in public affairs was recognized.

Guilds, workshops and military settlements were destroyed.

According to the constitution, a Russian reached civil adulthood at the age of 20. All male citizens who reached this age received voting rights (women did not have voting rights). Pestel was an enemy of any federal structure and a supporter of a single and indivisible republic with a strong centralized power.

The People's Council was the body of the supreme legislative power in the state; it was unicameral. Executive power in the state was vested in the State Duma.

The borders of the republic were to expand to their “natural limits.”

This was Pestel’s constitutional project – “Russian Truth”. This was a revolutionary project for the bourgeois reorganization of serf Russia. He abolished serfdom and autocracy, established a republic instead of a backward absolutist state. It bears some stamp of noble narrow-mindedness, but on the whole it represents a kind of plan for the strong advancement of backward feudal-serf Russia. This was the most decisive, radical of the constitutional projects created by the revolutionary nobles.11

3.3. Political program of the Northern society. “Constitution” by N. Muravyov

Working on the constitution in 1821 and subsequent years, Nikita Muravyov had already moved away from his previous republican views. At this time he was leaning towards the idea of a constitutional monarchy. The class limitations of the nobility were reflected primarily in the resolution of the issue of serfdom. Nikita Muravyov in his constitution declared the liberation of peasants from serfdom, but at the same time introduced the provision: “The lands of the landowners remain with them.”12 According to the project, peasants were freed without land. Only in the last version of his constitution, under the pressure of criticism from his comrades, did he formulate a provision on a minor allocation of land: peasants received estate plots and, on top of this, two dessiatines per yard in the form of communal ownership. The Constitution of Nikita Muravyov was always characterized by a high property qualification: only the land owner or owner of capital had the right to fully participate in the political life of the country, to elect and be elected. Persons who did not have movable or real estate worth this amount could not participate in the elections. According to Muravyov's constitution, women were deprived of the right to vote. In addition, the author intended to introduce an educational qualification for citizens of the Russian state. In addition to this, Muravyov’s constitution introduced a residency requirement: nomads did not have the right to vote.

The communal peasant was not considered an “owner”-proprietor; his suffrage was extremely limited. The first version of the constitution provided communal peasants with limited suffrage: for every 500 men, only one was elected, who had the right to choose. In the second version, Muravyov changed his wording. Now all citizens without distinction were allowed to participate in the elections of the volost elder.

Nikita Muravyov designed the abolition of serfdom, making the peasant personally free: “Serfdom and slavery are abolished. A slave who touches the Russian land becomes free.”13 Estates were also abolished. “All Russians are equal before the law.”14 Nikita Muravyov’s Constitution affirmed the sacred and inviolable right of bourgeois property, but it emphasized that the right of property includes the following: a person cannot be the property of another, serfdom must be abolished.

According to Muravyov's constitution, military settlements were immediately destroyed, all military villagers were to immediately transfer to the position of state peasants, and the land of military settlements was transferred to communal peasant ownership. Specific lands, i.e. the lands from which the members of the reigning house were supported were confiscated and transferred into the possession of the peasants. All names of class groups (nobles, petty bourgeois, odnodvortsy, etc.) were abolished and replaced by the name “citizen” or “Russian”. The concept of “Russian” according to Nikita Muravyov’s constitution does not directly refer to nationality - it means a citizen of the Russian state.

The concept of the Motherland and its defense is elevated to great heights in Muravyov’s constitution.

Muravyov's project asserted a number of bourgeois freedoms: it proclaimed freedom of movement and occupation of the population, freedom of speech, press and freedom of religion. The class court was abolished and a general jury trial was introduced for all citizens.

Legislative, executive and judicial powers were separated in Nikita Muravyov's constitution. According to the constitution, the emperor is only the “supreme official of the Russian government”; he was a representative only of the executive branch; the emperor had no legislative power. The emperor commanded the troops, but had no right to start wars or make peace. He could not leave the territory of the empire, otherwise he would lose his imperial rank.

The future Russia must be a federal state. The empire was divided into separate federal units, which Muravyov called powers. There were fifteen powers (and regions). Each power had its own capital.

The capital of the federation was to be Nizhny Novgorod - a city famous for its heroic past during the Polish intervention of the 17th century, the center of the country.

According to Nikita Muravyov’s constitution, the People’s Assembly was to become the supreme body of legislative power. It consisted of two chambers: the upper house - the Supreme Duma, the lower - the House of People's Representatives.

The House of People's Representatives was to be composed of members elected for two years by the citizens of the powers. The first chamber was to consist of 450 members. The Duma, according to Muravyov's project, should consist of 42 members. In addition to the main legislative work, the competence of the Supreme Duma was to include the trial of ministers, chief judges and other dignitaries in the event of accusations by their representatives. Together with the emperor, the Duma participated in the conclusion of peace, in the appointment of judges of the supreme courts, commanders-in-chief of land and naval forces, corps commanders, squadron commanders and the supreme guardian (prosecutor general).

Every bill had to be read three times in each chamber. The readings were to be separated by at least three days devoted to discussion of the law. If the bill was passed by both chambers, it was submitted to the emperor and only after his signature received the force of law. The emperor could return a bill he did not like to the chambers with his comments, then the bill was discussed a second time; in the event of a second adoption of the bill by both chambers, the draft received the force of law even without the consent of the emperor. Thus, the adoption of the law could be delayed by the emperor, but could not be arbitrarily rejected by him.

The powers also had a bicameral system. Legislative power in each power belonged to the legislative assembly, which consisted of two chambers - the chamber of elections and the State Duma. Thus, Nikita Muravyov’s draft constitution, despite the striking features of class-based aristocratic limitations, should be recognized as progressive for its time.

The Constitution of Nikita Muravyov, if it had been introduced, would have made a huge hole in the strongholds of the feudal-absolutist system and would have seriously undermined its foundations. It would unleash class struggle in the country. It is much easier to completely eliminate the remnants of feudalism in a constitutional than in an absolute monarchy.15

Muravyov was well aware of the furious resistance of the old forces to the introduction of his constitutional project. He believed that in the struggle he would have to use the “power of arms.”

3.4. The struggle for the unification of Northern and Southern societies

The question of developing a common ideological platform, a unified plan of action was the next in the life of the secret society, but it was not easy to develop it. The northerners, for the most part, agreed to the republic, but they strongly doubted the correctness of Pestel’s “division of the lands”, resolutely stood for a constituent assembly and acted as unconditional opponents of even the temporary dictatorship of the Provisional Government. The northerners were also worried about the figure of Pestel himself. Even Ryleev found that Pestel was “a dangerous man for Russia.”

In March 1824 Pestel arrived in St. Petersburg with a huge manuscript of “Russian Truth”. Meetings of the Northern Society took place, and passionate debates broke out. Pestel failed to achieve consent to accept “Russian Pravda” as the ideological platform for the future revolution, but the arrival greatly shook up Northern society and prompted it to action.

There was talk of preparing an open speech during the royal review in Bila Tserkva, which was supposed to take place in 1825. It was necessary to hurry with the development of final decisions, otherwise events could take the members of the secret society by surprise. But it was only necessary to perform together.

It was decided to convene, after serious preparation, a congress of both societies in 1826, at which it was planned to finally develop a common program. Most members favored the idea of a republican constitution. The main reason for the disagreement of both societies was “Russian Truth”. Obviously, the discussion was about proposing the republican constitutional project of both societies to the future constituent assembly - the Great Council.

Thus, the idea of a republic defeated the idea of a constitutional monarchy, and the idea of a Constituent Assembly began to defeat the idea of the dictatorship of the Provisional Revolutionary Government. The congress of 1826 was supposed to finally decide everything.

Chapter 4. The Decembrist uprising. Investigation and trial.

4.1. Interregnum.

Events forced the Decembrists to act earlier than the dates that they had determined. Everything changed dramatically in the late autumn of 1825.

In November 1825 Emperor Alexander I unexpectedly died far from St. Petersburg, in Taganrog. He did not have a son, and the heir to the throne was his brother Constantine. But at one time he renounced his rights to the throne. Alexander I's next brother, Nicholas, was to become the heir. The abdication, which was not made public during the life of the emperor, did not receive the force of law, so Constantine continued to be considered the heir to the throne; he reigned after the death of Alexander I, and on November 27 the population of the country was sworn in to Constantine.

Formally, a new emperor appeared in Russia - Constantine I. But Constantine did not accept the throne, and at the same time did not want to formally renounce it as an emperor to whom the oath had already been taken.

An ambiguous and extremely tense interregnum situation was created. Nicholas decided to declare himself emperor, without waiting for a formal act of abdication from his brother. The “re-oath” to Emperor Nicholas I in St. Petersburg was scheduled for December 14. The interregnum and the “re-oath” worried the population and irritated the army.

The Decembrists, even when creating their first organization, decided to act at the time of the change of emperors on the throne. This moment has now arrived. But the secret society had two traitors. Therefore, the Decembrists feared arrests. Members of the secret society decided to speak out.

The command of the troops during the capture of the Winter Palace was entrusted to the Decembrist Yakubovich.

It was decided to also capture the Peter and Paul Fortress. This was entrusted to the Life Grenadier Regiment, which was to be commanded by the Decembrist Bulatov.

But Kakhovsky and Yakubovich abandoned their assignments. The plan began to crumble. But there was no time to hesitate.

4.2. Decembrist revolt

The morning of December 14th arrived. The Decembrists were already in their military units and campaigning against the oath to Nicholas I. By 11 o’clock in the morning, the first to arrive on Senate Square was the Moscow Life Guards Regiment, led by Alexander and Mikhail Bestuzhev and D.A. Shchepin-Rostovsky. The regiment formed into a combat quadrangle (square) near the monument to Peter I. By one o'clock in the afternoon, sailors of the Moscow Guards crew under the command of Nikolai Bestuzhev joined the Moscow regiment, and after them - the Life Guards Grenadier Regiment, which was led by lieutenants N.A. Panov and A .N.Sutgof. In total, 3 thousand soldiers with 30 officers gathered on the square. They were waiting for the approach of other military units, and most importantly - the dictator of the uprising - S.P. Trubetskoy, without whose orders the rebels could not act independently. However, the “dictator” did not appear on the square, and the uprising was virtually left without leadership. Trubetskoy had already shown hesitation and indecision the day before. His doubts about success intensified on the very day of the uprising, when he became convinced that it was not possible to raise most of the guards regiments that the Decembrists had counted on. Trubetskoy’s behavior, undoubtedly, among other reasons, played a fatal role on December 14th.

The news of the beginning of the uprising quickly spread throughout the city. Crowds of people rushed to the scene. The masses attacked the police and disarmed them, throwing stones and logs at Nicholas I and his retinue.

At first they tried to influence the rebels through persuasion. Popular hero of the Patriotic War of 1812, Governor-General of St. Petersburg M.A. Miloradovich tried to sway the soldiers with his eloquence, but was mortally wounded by P.G. Kakhovsky. Metropolitan Seraphim of St. Petersburg was also sent to “persuade” the soldiers - this was an attempt to influence the religious feelings of the soldiers. However, the rebels asked him to “retire.” While the “persuasions” were going on, Nicholas pulled 9 thousand soldiers and 3 thousand cavalry to Senate Square. Twice the horse guards attacked the square of the rebels, but both attacks were repulsed by gunfire. However, the rebels fired upward, and the Horse Guards acted hesitantly. Soldiers' solidarity was demonstrated here on both sides. The rest of the government forces also showed hesitation. From them, envoys came to the rebels and asked them to “hold out until the evening,” promising to join them. Nicholas I, fearing that with the onset of darkness “the riot could have been communicated to the mob,” gave the order to use artillery. Volleys of grapeshot at close range caused great devastation in the ranks of the rebels and put them to flight. By 6 pm the uprising was defeated. All night, by the light of fires, they removed the wounded and dead and washed away the spilled blood from the square.

December 29, 1825 The uprising of the Chernigov regiment, located near the city of Vasilkov, began. It was headed by S.I. Muravyov-Apostol. This uprising began at the moment when members of the Southern Society became aware of the defeat of the uprising in St. Petersburg and when P.I. Pestel, A.P. Yushnevsky and a number of other prominent figures of the Southern Society had already been arrested. The uprising began in the village of Trilesy (Kyiv province) - one of the companies of the Chernigov regiment was located here. From here S. Muravyov-Apostle headed to Vasilkov, where the remaining companies of the Chernigov regiment were located and its headquarters was located. Within three days, he gathered 5 companies of the Chernigov regiment under his command. S. Muravyov-Apostol and M. Bestuzhev-Ryumin had earlier compiled a revolutionary “Catechism” intended for dissemination among the army and the people. This document, written in the form of questions and answers, in a form understandable for soldiers and peasants, proved the need to destroy monarchical power and establish republican rule. The Catechism was read to the rebel soldiers, some copies of it were distributed to other regiments, among local peasants, and even sent to Kyiv.

For a week, S.I. Muravyov-Apostol raided the snow-covered fields of Ukraine, hoping for other regiments in which members of the secret society served to join the uprising. On its route, the rebel Chernigov regiment met the sympathetic attitude of the local peasantry. Meanwhile, the rebels' hope that other military units would join them did not materialize. The command managed to isolate the Chernigov regiment, withdrawing from its path all those regiments that S. Muravyov-Apostol was counting on to join. At the same time, large forces of troops loyal to the government were concentrated around the area of the uprising. S. Muravyov-Apostol eventually turned the regiment to the village of Trilesy, but on the morning of January 3, 1826. when approaching it, between the villages of Ustinovka and Kovalevka, he was met by a detachment of government troops and shot with grapeshot. S. Muravyov-Apostol, wounded in the head, was captured and sent in shackles to St. Petersburg.

After the suppression of uprisings in St. Petersburg and Ukraine, the autocracy fell upon the Decembrists with all mercilessness. 316 people were taken into custody; In total, 579 were involved in the “case” of the Decembrists. The main Investigative Commission worked in St. Petersburg for six months. Investigative commissions were also formed in Bila Tserkva (here an investigation was conducted into the participation of soldiers in the Decembrist conspiracy), Mogilev (about officers of the Chernigov regiment), Bialystok (about the Society of Military Friends), in Warsaw (about members of the Polish Patriotic Society) and at some regiments. This was the first broad political process in Russian history. 289 people were found guilty, of which 121 were brought before the Supreme Criminal Court, which divided them into 11 categories according to their degree of guilt. The court placed Ryleev, Pestel, S. Muravyov-Apostol, Bestuzhev-Ryumin and Kakhovsky “outside the ranks”, who were sentenced to “quartering”, replaced by hanging.

Conclusion

Decembrist uprising in 1825 - the culmination and at the same time the result of the Decembrist movement, which has enormous historical significance. It was a serious test of its leaders and participants, their revolutionary capabilities. This was the first open political speech in the history of Russia.

The emergence of the first secret political organizations in Russia is associated with the social upsurge that occurred in the country after the Patriotic War and the foreign campaigns of 1812–1814. The contradictions between the feudal foundations of autocratic-serf Russia and the bourgeois relations that were born in its depths have noticeably intensified. The situation in which the people who liberated Europe from enslavement continued to remain in serfdom seemed no longer tolerable.

What social and political reforms did Russia need? Was it possible to create a secret society? What social forces could it rely on in its political activities? Finally, what should be the actual type of secret revolutionary organization?

The thoughts of the future Decembrists wrestled with these and other questions; in a sharp ideological struggle, different opinions collided, and concepts of revolutionary and democratic social progress were born.

From all this flowed the need to create close friendly groups in which it was possible to exchange thoughts and discuss issues of concern. Early pre-Decembrist organizations were officer artels, the circle of Vladimir Raevsky and the “Society of Russian Knights”.

However, the need for more centralized organizations soon arose, and as a result, first the Union of Salvation and later the Union of Welfare were formed. This is where the secret activities of the Decembrists began.

The main program provisions of the Decembrists - the elimination of autocracy, serfdom, the class system, the introduction of a republic and others - reflected the urgent needs of the time. The Decembrists enshrined their main demands in two program documents: “Russian Truth” by P.I. Pestel and “Constitution” by N. Muravyov.

The great historical merit of the Decembrists, their civil and moral feat, lay in the fact that they were able to rise above their class interests, despise their class privileges and go to “obvious death” in the name of high and noble ideals.

Bibliography

Yosifova, B. Decembrists / B. Yosifova. - M.: Nauka, 1983. - 303 p.

Nechkina, M.V. Decembrists / M.V. Nechkina.- M.Nauka, 1984.- 182 p.

Constitution // Collection of documents on the history of the USSR for seminar practical classes. The first half of the 19th century / ed. V.A. Fedorov. - M., 1974. - P. 185.

Russian Truth // Collection of documents on the history of the USSR for seminar practical classes. The first half of the 19th century / ed. V.A. Fedorov. - M., 1974. - P. 161.

Muravyov, A.M. “My Journal” //Memoirs of the Decembrists. Northern Society / ed. V.A. Fedorov. - M., 1981.- P. 126.

St. Petersburg meeting of the Union of Welfare at the apartment of F. Glinka // Collection of documents on the history of the USSR for seminar practical classes. The first half of the 19th century / ed. V.A. Fedorov. - M., 1974. - P. 157.

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Gordin, Ya.A. Revolt of the reformers: December 4, 1825. / 2nd ed., revised. And additional - L.: Lenizdat, 1989. - 398 p., ill.

Platonov, S.F. Textbook of Russian history. – St. Petersburg: Nauka, 1997.- 428 p.

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1 Yosifova B. Decembrists. M., 1983. P.6 – 7.

2 Muravyov A.M. “My Journal” // Memoirs of the Decembrists. Northern Society / ed. Fedorova V.A. M., 1981. P.126.

3Petersburg meeting of the Union of Welfare at F. Glinka’s apartment // Collection of documents on the history of the USSR for seminar practical classes. The first half of the 19th century / ed. Fedorova V.A. M., 1974. P.157.

4 Muravyov A.M. “My Journal” //Memoirs of the Decembrists. Northern Society / ed. Fedorova V.A. M., 1981. P. 127.

5 Muravyov A.M. “My Journal” //Memoirs of the Decembrists. Northern Society / ed. Fedorova V.A. M., 1981. P. 126

6 Russian Truth // Collection of documents on the history of the USSR for seminar practical classes. The first half of the 19th century / ed. Fedorova V.A. M., 1974. P. 163.

7 Nechkina M.V. Decembrists. M., 1976. P.74.

8 Russian Truth // Collection of documents on the history of the USSR for seminar practical classes. The first half of the 19th century / ed. Fedorova V.A. M., 1974. P.162.

9 Russian Truth // Collection of documents on the history of the USSR for seminar practical classes. The first half of the 19th century / ed. Fedorova V.A. M., 1974. P. 169.

10 Russian Truth // Collection of documents on the history of the USSR for seminar practical classes. The first half of the 19th century / ed. Fedorova V.A. M., 1974. P.161.

11 Nechkina M.V. Decembrists. M.: Nauka, 1976. P. 88.

12 Constitution // Collection of documents on the history of the USSR for seminar practical classes. The first half of the 19th century / ed. Fedorova V.A. M., 1974. P. 185.

13 Ibid. P. 184

14 Ibid. P. 184.

15 Nechkina M.V. Decembrists. M.: Nauka, 1976. P. 95.

The history of Russia in the 19th century is incredibly rich in various events. However, the Decembrist uprising on Senate Square occupies a very special place among them. After all, if the goal of all previous successful and unsuccessful attempts to seize power in the country was to replace one autocrat with another, then this time it was about a change in the social system and the transition to a republican method of governing the state. The initiators of the December Uprising were members of the “Southern” and “Northern” secret societies, led by N. Muravyov, S. Trubetskoy and P. Pestel.

Background

It is usually customary to begin the story of the Decembrist Uprising with the founding of the “Union of Salvation” in St. Petersburg, a secret society that declared its goal to liberate the peasants and carry out fundamental reforms in the sphere of government. This organization existed for only one year, and was dissolved due to differences in the views of the participants on the possibility of regicide. However, many of its participants continued their activities, now as part of the Union of Welfare. After the conspirators learned that the authorities were going to introduce their spies into the ranks of the rebels, the “Northern” (at the beginning of 1822) and “Southern” (in 1821) secret societies were formed instead. The first of them operated in the Northern capital, and the second in Kyiv.

Southern Society

Despite the somewhat provincial status of the organization of conspirators operating in Ukraine, its members were much more radical than the “northerners.” First of all, this was due to the fact that the “Southern Society” consisted exclusively of officers, most of whom had experience in participating in battles, and its members sought to change the political structure of the country through regicide and a military coup. The turning point in his activities came in 1823. It was then that a congress took place in Kyiv, which adopted the program document of the “Southern Society” authored by Pavel Pestel, called “Russian Truth”. This work, along with the draft constitution of N. Muravyov, on which members of the “Northern Society” relied, played a large role in the formation of progressive views among the Russian aristocracy of the 19th century, which, by the way, led to the abolition of serfdom.

Policy document

Pestel's "Russian Truth" was presented to the members of the "Southern Society" in 1823. However, he began working on it back in 1819. A total of 5 chapters were written concerning land, class and national issues. Pestel proposed renaming Nizhny Novgorod Vladimir and moving there the capital of the new Russian unified state. In addition, the Russian Pravda raised the issue of immediate abolition. The program of the “Southern Society” of the Decembrists also provided for:

equality before the law of every citizen;
the right to elect a “People's Assembly” for all men over twenty years of age;
freedom of speech, religion, occupation, assembly, movement and press;
inviolability of home and person;
equality before justice.

Goals

As has already been said, "Southern Society" was more radical than "Northern" society. His main goal was:

the liquidation of the autocracy, including the physical destruction of all representatives of the reigning house of Romanov;
abolition of serfdom, but without granting land to the ownership of peasants;
introduction of the constitution;
destruction of class differences;
establishment of representative government.

P. Pestel: a short biographical sketch

So who was at the helm of the “Southern Society” and created one of the most significant documents concerning the development of Russia, based on the principles of the Age of Enlightenment? This man was Pavel Ivanovich Pestel, who was born in 1793 in Moscow, into a German family that professed Lutheranism. At the age of 12, the boy was sent to Dresden, where he studied at one of the closed educational institutions. Pavel Pestel received further education in the Corps of Pages, and upon graduation, the young man was assigned to the Lithuanian regiment. The military career of the future conspirator was more than successful. In particular, Pestel showed miracles of courage during the Battle of Borodino and in other battles of the Patriotic War of 1812, and was awarded many Russian and allied awards.

Pavel Pestel

After the victory over Napoleon, political organizations arose among the Russian officers that set themselves the goal of improving the situation of the peasants and limiting or even destroying the autocracy. One of these military men was Pavel Pestel, who became a member of the Union of Salvation, later the Union of Welfare, and finally, in 1821, headed the Southern Secret Society. The main miscalculation that Pavel Ivanovich Pestel made was his proposal that in the event of the victory of the uprising, the country would be ruled by the Provisional Government for an unlimited time. This idea caused concern among members of the Northern Society, since among the rebels there were many who saw in his actions both the desire to become a dictator and Napoleonic ambitions. That is why the “northerners” were in no hurry to unite with the “southerners,” which ultimately weakened their common potential. Judging by the surviving documents, during 1824 Pestel, considering himself misunderstood by his comrades, experienced severe depression and even lost interest in the activities of the “Southern Society” for some time.

"Southern Society": participants

In addition to P. Pestel, several dozen famous military men of that time were members of the secret society organized among officers of military units stationed on the territory of modern Ukraine. In particular, among the leaders of the “southerners” S. Muravyov-Apostol, M. Bestuzhev-Ryumin, V. Davydov and the hero of the year S. Volkonsky enjoyed special authority. A Directory was elected to manage the organization, which, in addition to Pestel, also included Quartermaster General A.P. Yushnevsky.

Actions of the authorities to expose the activities of secret societies

In history, as in the case of any other conspiratorial societies, there were traitors and provocateurs. In particular, the most fatal mistake was made by Pestel himself, who introduced his subordinate, Captain Arkady Mayboroda, into the secret “Southern Society”. The latter did not have any education, as evidenced by the numerous grammatical errors that are present in the denunciation he wrote against Pestel, and was dishonest. In the fall of 1825, Mayboroda committed a large embezzlement of soldiers' money. Fearing the consequences, he informed the authorities about the impending rebellion. Even earlier, a denunciation of the conspirators was made by non-commissioned officer Sherwood, who was even summoned to Alexander the First to testify and sent to his place of service, the Third Bug Regiment, so that he could continue to report on the goals and intentions of the rebels.

Preparing for the uprising

Back in the fall of 1825, at a meeting with General S. Volkonsky, Pestel, the goals of the “Southern Society” for the coming months were determined, the main of which was the preparation of an uprising scheduled for January 1, 1826. The fact is that on this day the Vyatka regiment led by him was supposed to serve as a guard at the headquarters of the 2nd Army in Tulchin. The conspirators developed a forced march route to St. Petersburg and stockpiled the necessary food. It was assumed that they would arrest the commander and chief of staff of the army and move to St. Petersburg, where they would be supported by army units led by officers who were members of the Northern Society.

Consequences of the Decembrist uprising for members of the "Southern Society"

Few people know that Pavel Ivanovich Pestel was arrested even before the events on Senate Square, and more specifically, on December 13, 1825, as a result of Mayboroda’s denunciation. Later, 37 members of the “Southern Society” were detained and brought to trial, as well as 61 members of the “Northern Society” and 26 people related to the “South Slavs Society”. Many of them were sentenced to various types of death penalty, but then pardoned, with the exception of five: Pestel, Ryleev, Bestuzhev-Ryumin, Kakhovsky and Muravyov-Apostol.

Uprising of the Chernigov Regiment

After the events on Senate Square became known, and many of the leaders of the “Southern Society” were arrested, their comrades who remained at large decided to take retaliatory measures. In particular, on December 29, officers of the Chernigov regiment Kuzmin, Sukhinov, Soloviev and Shchepillo attacked their regimental commanders and freed Muravyov-Apostol, who was under lock and key in the village of Trilesy. The next day, the rebels captured the city of Vasilkov and Motovilovka, where they announced the “Orthodox Catechism”, in which, appealing to the religious feelings of the soldiers, they tried to explain to them that statements about the divinity of the tsarist power were fiction, and the Russian people should submit only to the will of the Lord, and not autocrat.

A few days later, a clash took place between the rebels and government troops near the village of Ustimovka. Moreover, S. Muravyov-Apostol forbade the soldiers to shoot, hoping that the commanders who found themselves on the other side of the barricades would do the same. As a result of the massacre, he himself was wounded, his brother shot himself, and 6 officers and 895 soldiers were arrested. Thus, the “Southern Society” ceased to exist, and its members were either physically destroyed, or demoted and exiled to hard labor or to the troops fighting in the Caucasus.

Despite the fact that the Decembrist uprising was not successful, it pointed out to the Russian autocrats the need for reforms, which, however, were not carried out under the reactionary rule of Nicholas II. At the same time, the program of the “Southern Society” and Muravyov’s “Constitution” gave impetus to the development of plans for the transformation of Russia by revolutionary organizations, which, in principle, led to the revolution of 1917.

secret society of Decembrists, created in March 1821 in Ukraine on the initiative of P.I. Pestel based on the “Union of Welfare”. The members of the society are mostly officers. The structure of society repeated the structure of the Union of Salvation. The political program was “Russian Truth” by P.I. Pestel. On its basis they sought to unite with the “Northern Society”. Since 1823 they maintained contact with the Polish Patriotic Society, and in 1825 they joined the Society of United Slavs. Members of the society took part in the uprising on Senate Square on December 14, 1825. It was defeated after the defeat of the uprising of the Chernigov regiment. (See the diagram “Secret Societies of the Decembrists”)

Excellent definition

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SOUTH SOCIETY

secret revolutionary organization of Decembrists in Ukraine in 1821–1825. The members are mainly officers. Created on the basis of the Tulchinsky government of the Union of Prosperity. Founders: P. I. Pestel, A. P. Yushnevsky, P. V. Avramov, A. P. Baryatinsky, N. V. Basargin, F. B. Wolf, V. P. Ivashev, the Kryukov brothers, who formed the Root Duma . They were joined by S. G. Volkonsky, V. L. Davydov, later M. I. and S. I. Muravyov-Apostles, M. P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin and others. Directory: Pestel, Yushnevsky, N. M. Muravyov (from the Northern Society). Administrations: Tulchinskaya, Kishinevskaya (until 1822), Kamenskaya, Vasilkovskaya, Slavyanskaya (since 1825). The political program was Pestel’s “Russian Truth”, on its basis they sought to unite with Northern society. Since 1823 they maintained contact with the Polish Patriotic Society, and in 1825 they joined the Society of United Slavs. After the defeat of the uprising, the Chernigov regiment was crushed.

Southern Society of Decembrists, the largest organization Decembrists in Ukraine. Created in March 1821 on the basis of the Tulchin council "Union of Welfare". It was headed by the “Directory” consisting of P.I. Pestel, A.P. Yushnevsky and N.M. Muravyova. In accordance with the “statutory rules” (1821), members of the society were divided into 3 categories, differing in the degree of knowledge in the affairs of the Southern Region. d. At the congress of the leaders of the society in Kiev (1823), the division of the society into councils was formalized: Tulchinskaya (headed by Pestel), Kamenskaya (headed by S.G. Volkonsky and V.L. Davydov) and Vasilkovskaya (head S.I. Muravyov-Apostol and M.P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin), and a program document called later "Russian Truth" . Southerners were supporters of the republic in the form of a single centralization. state, the abolition of serfdom and gratuitous alienation, which means part of the landowners' land in favor of the peasants, the abolition of class orders, the introduction of citizenship. freedoms and elect. rights for men. Ch. goal Yu. o. d. - creation of a strong secret organization, paradise through military. revolutions in the South and in St. Petersburg must overthrow the autocracy, exterminate the royal family and transfer power to the “Time, the Supreme Board” of the “directors” of the society, cut as an organ of the revolutionary people. dictatorship will introduce a new state over the course of a number of years. device. In 1823-24 a branch of the Yu. O. was created in St. Petersburg. d., uniting cavalry officers in the chapter. with F.F. Vadkovsky. Through M.I. Muravyov-Apostol Yu. o. d. maintained contacts with Northern Society of Decembrists. In the spring of 1824, a meeting of the leaders of the North was held in St. Petersburg. association with Pestel, during which a compromise was reached: sowing. The Decembrists were inclined to recognize the republic. principle, and Pestel was ready to accept the idea of Establishing an assembly instead of the dictatorship of “Time, supreme rule.” It was decided to convene a united congress no later than 1826. In 1823-25 Yu. o. D. negotiated with representatives of the Polish. Patriotic Society about a joint performance. On Sept. 1825 included in the South. entered into the rights of the Slavic council Society of United Slavs. In the summer of 1825, a decision was made (agreed with the Northern Region) to speak in May 1826. Rumors about the disclosure of a secret organization by the government, the death of the imp. Alexander I and the situation of the interregnum forced the postponement of the performance, which was supposed to begin with the capture of the headquarters of the 2nd Army, to January 1. 1826. After the arrest on December 13. Pestel and Yushnevsky, the defeat of the uprising on December 14. 1825 in St. Petersburg and suppression Chernigov Regiment of the Uprising Yu. o. d. ceased to exist.

A. G. Tartakovsky.

The Great Soviet Encyclopedia was used.

Literature:

Decembrist revolt. Materials, vol. 4, 7, 9 -13, M.-L., 1927-75;

Nechkina M.V., Decembrist Movement, vol. 1 - 2, M., 1955;

Essays on the history of the Decembrist movement. Sat. Art., M., 1954;

Porokh I.V., About the so-called “crisis” of the Southern Society of Decembrists, “Uch. zap. Saratov State University”, 1956, vol. 47, century. historical;

Olshansky P.N., Decembrists and the Polish national liberation movement, M., 1959;

Chentsov N.M., The Decembrist Revolt. Bibliography, M.-L., 1929;

Decembrist movement. Literature index, 1928-1959, comp. R. G. Eymontova, M., 1959.

Read further:

Welfare Union- secret revolutionary organization of the Decembrists.

Decembrists(biographical reference book).