Grandiose reformist plans of Speransky and their fate. Political views and reforms of Speransky

Brief biography of M.M. Speransky.

Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky was a kind of Pushkin for the Russian bureaucracy. At the beginning of the 19th century, through his efforts, a ministerial system of state administration was introduced in Russia (ministries of finance, foreign affairs, military, naval, Ministry of Internal Affairs, police, justice, public education). The system of ministries he invented is still in effect today. He compiled a complete set of laws of the country. You will not envy his fate, he was one of his own among strangers. By education, abilities and rank, he belonged to the most privileged circle, but he had no close friends. Even those few people in high society who respected and admired his abilities shunned him.

Speransky was born in January 1772 into the family of a village priest in the village of Cherkutin, Vladimir Province. His father, a simple illiterate village priest, assigned him to the Suzdal Theological Seminary. In January 1790 he was sent to the First Theological Seminary in St. Petersburg. After graduating from the seminary in 1792, Speransky was left as a teacher of mathematics, physics and eloquence, and French. Speransky taught all subjects with great success. Since 1795, he also began to lecture on philosophy and received the post of "prefect of the seminary." The thirst for knowledge forced him to go to the civil service. In 1797, he began his service career as a titular adviser in the office of the Prosecutor General of the Senate, Prince A.B. Kurakin. Each subsequent year he will receive a promotion: in three months he will become a collegiate assessor, in 1798 a court councilor, in 1799 a collegiate adviser, in 1799 a state councilor, in 1801 a real state councilor.

The accession to the throne of Alexander I broke the monotony of his career. Speransky invited D.P. to be his secretary. Troshchinsky, the closest assistant to the tsar. His career was in the full sense of the word impetuous: already after four and a half years of public service, Speransky had a rank equal to the rank of general in the army and gave the right to hereditary nobility.

Yesterday's seminarian crept up to the very heights of state power.

Activities of M.M. Speransky.

In the early years of the reign of Alexander I, Speransky still remained in the shadows, although he was already preparing some documents and projects for members of the Unspoken Committee, in particular, on ministerial reform. After the implementation of the reform in 1802, he was transferred to serve in the Ministry of the Interior. All the most important draft laws issued since 1802 were edited by Speransky as head of the department of the Ministry of the Interior. In 1803, on behalf of the emperor, Speransky compiled a “Note on the Structure of Judicial and Government Institutions in Russia”, in which he showed himself to be a supporter of a constitutional monarchy, created by gradually reforming society on the basis of a carefully developed plan.

However, the Note had no practical value. Only in 1807, after unsuccessful wars with France and the signing of the Treaty of Tilsit, in the conditions of a political crisis, Alexander I again turned to reform plans. Alexander entrusted him with the leadership of the Commission for the drafting of laws, instructed him to develop a general plan for state transformation.

Mikhail Mikhailovich was engaged in this work for almost a year. He worked 18-19 hours a day: he got up at five in the morning, wrote, received visitors at eight, and after the reception he went to the palace. In the evening I wrote again. In October 1809, he presented his plan to the Tsar.

Speransky proposed "to equip Russia" like the current prosperous monarchies. The plan for state reorganization began with the first Russian constitution (Another outstanding bureaucrat, Sergei Witte, forced the last monarch to accept it exactly one hundred years later.) Electiveness was introduced into the administrative and executive authorities of four degrees - at the level of the volost, province and empire. But participation in management was granted only to persons who had a certain property qualification.

Speransky's plan (finished in the autumn of 1809) provided for three parallel lines of legislative, judicial, and executive, or administrative, institutions.

The supreme administrative body was the State Duma, which was at the head of legislative institutions and directed the network of volost, district and provincial dumas. It was proposed to create ministries at the head of the executive branch and the Senate - at the head of the judiciary, with the corresponding lower institutions.

Another supreme body was also established, designed to unite the activities of the legislative, executive and judicial powers - the State Council, consisting of the highest state dignitaries, by appointment of the monarch. Over time, it became an influential state structure and lasted until the October Revolution. In view of the complexity and difficulty of the matter, the transformation was begun from above. The State Council was divided into four departments: 1) laws, 2) military affairs, 3) civil and spiritual affairs, and 4) state economy. The General Assembly was composed of members of all departments and ministers. The sovereign himself or a special person appointed by him presided. This body did not ensure the participation of society in management. This would lead to the transformation of the monarchy from judicial to constitutional.

The legislative series was formed by "dumas" of volost, district, provincial and state. The executive power is the volost, county and provincial boards, elected by local dumas, and the highest executive power, ministers, is appointed by the sovereign. Judicial power is formed by volost courts, then district and provincial courts, consisting of elected judges and acting with the participation of jurors; the highest court is the Senate, whose members are elected (for life) by the State Duma and approved by the emperor. Civil and political rights were introduced, that is, it was about a constitutional monarchy. Speransky was sincerely convinced that his project to limit the autocracy fully met the aspirations of the sovereign. Contemporaries did not even know about this plan, striking in its courage. Only a few positions remain from the entire package of reforms.

Perhaps the only person who could appreciate the bureaucratic genius of Speransky was Napoleon. He told Alexander that he would give half of France for such an official. Alexander generally approved Speransky's plan and proposed to begin its implementation in 1810.

Speransky paid special attention to the state of finances. Russian finances were at that time in a rather bleak state. The periodic fluctuations to which this part of our administration has been subject since its existence resumed at the beginning of the reign of Alexander I.

Emperor Alexander did not know to whom to entrust this ministry, and finally entrusting it, after refusing others, to Guryev, he demanded a possible transformation from the Speransky plan. Speransky was entrusted with the solution of such a fundamental (postponed since the time of Catherine the Great) and acute problem as the improvement of public finances. In accordance with the plan already in the first months of 1810, a discussion of the problem of regulating state finances took place. Speransky drew up the "Plan of Finance", which formed the basis of the tsar's manifesto on February 2, 1810. These measures gave a result, and already next year the budget deficit was reduced, and state revenues increased. Finally, there was some order in the expenses for the first time. Thanks to these measures, revenues were doubled within two years. Despite public murmurs about taxes, and ministers about control and accountability, despite gloomy predictions from all sides, the government was freed from its main difficulties. However, all ventures failed due to the need for money for anti-Napoleonic campaigns.

In 1810 -1811. the transformation of the ministries established in 1802 followed; a new Ministry of Police was established and the Ministry of Commerce was abolished; the Ministry of the Interior was to have "care for the spread and encouragement of agriculture and industry." In addition to the ministries, "main departments" of communications, state control and the main department of spiritual affairs of other (except Orthodox) confessions were established. The ministries were divided into departments (with a director at the head), departments into departments. From the highest officials of the ministry, a council of ministers was formed, and from all ministers a committee of ministers to discuss matters relating to various ministries. When drafting the legislative code, Speransky borrowed some norms of French civil laws (the so-called Napoleonic Code), seeing in them the last word in legal science.

According to the project of Speransky, only nobles, merchants, petty bourgeois, and state peasants received political rights. By a special decree, Speransky limited the privileges of the nobility. According to him, all rights should be divided into three groups: 1) general civil rights for all residents of Russia, regardless of their social status; 2) special civil rights for this or that class; 3) political rights given only to owners. Assuming that serfdom would be abolished, he assumed the existence of three classes: the nobility, the middle class, and the people.

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Speransky's project met with opposition from senators, ministers, and other top dignitaries, who considered it too radical and "dangerous." Alexander I went to meet their demands, and the emperor decided to implement the Speransky project in stages. Speransky was present, sitting on the right side of the king, at the weekly meetings of the State Council created by him and numbering 35 members. Only some parts of Speransky's plan were carried out: he failed to understand the duality of the emperor's character, frightened by the obvious opposition of the nobility to new, liberal currents, and failed to enlist the assistance of the nobility and court circles.

In 1810, the General Establishment of Ministries, developed by Speransky, was introduced, which determined the composition, limit of power and responsibility of the ministries. And in 1811, the reorganization of the ministries was completed.

The reforms carried out by Speransky caused discontent among many. But Alexander himself can be blamed for this, constantly hesitating, fearing the possible discontent of the nobility. And it, this discontent, already at the first experiments of Alexander and Speransky on the state reorganization of Russia made itself menacingly felt. This was discussed openly, not yet knowing what the menacing danger was. Wealthy landowners who had serfs lost their heads at the thought that the constitution would abolish serfdom. The dissatisfaction of the upper class was universal.

Also, the activities of M.M. Speransky caused dissatisfaction with the conservative nobility, who opposed the transformation of the political system in Russia, which accused him of high treason and forced his resignation. Some openly called Speransky an enemy of the nobility.

Growing tensions with France affected Russia's domestic politics. The noble opposition, dissatisfied with the reform of education, made the draft of the Civil Code of Napoleon prepared by Speransky in 1812 an occasion for a decisive and successful blow to the reformist tendencies characteristic of the first decade of Alexander's reign. In Erfurt, Speransky met with the French lawyers Locre, Legr, Dupont de Nemours and secured their appointment as corresponding members of the legislative commission of the Council of State. Intending to “cut to the quick, cut from a whole piece,” he dreamed of civil freedom, equality before the law, and the abolition of serfdom. His reforms, the code of laws, and in particular his admiration for Napoleon, provoked fierce opposition from the nobility. A few years later, the ordeal from the failures of the first coalitions against Napoleon raised the question of the need for political reform. Now the general discontent, the financial crisis, the state's instability were persistent reminders of the unsuitability of the old forms of government. And from vague dreams of political freedom, one had to move on to drawing up an accurate plan for state transformation. This need brought to the fore the domestic policy of the great taxonomist - Speransky.

At the beginning of 1811, Speransky presented a new draft of the reorganization of the Senate. The essence of this project was significantly different from what was originally planned. This time, Speransky suggested dividing the Senate into two - government and judicial, i.e. to separate its administrative and judicial functions. But even this very moderate project was rejected by the majority of the members of the State Council, and although the tsar approved it anyway, it was never implemented. As for the creation of the State Duma, then about it in 1810 - 1811. and there was no speech.

Speransky's reforming activity did not receive further development and was soon interrupted by external and internal circumstances. Firstly, the very approach to Tsar Speransky aroused envy and enmity against him in the "high society" of St. Petersburg. Secondly, his French sympathies aroused discontent throughout Russian society, which was imbued with an increasingly hostile attitude towards Napoleon and France, and Emperor Alexander himself felt the fragility of the French alliance and foresaw the inevitability of a fight with Napoleon in the near future. General dissatisfaction was increased by the continuing breakdown of public finances, which Speransky's financial plan could not stop. In March 1812, Speransky was dismissed from service and exiled to Nizhny Novgorod, and then to Perm (although, as he rightly wrote in his letter of acquittal, he did everything he did with the consent of Alexander or on his instructions).

From exile, Speransky addressed Alexander I with letters in which he tried to justify his transformations. In 1814, he addressed the sovereign with a letter. In this letter, he asks for permission to settle in his small Novgorod village, Velikopolye. In 1816, the emperor appointed Speransky, first as governor of Penza, and then as governor-general of Siberia. In 1821, Speransky was returned to St. Petersburg, appointed a member of the State Council and the Siberian Committee, managing the commission for drafting laws, and received land in the Penza province. But when Speransky returned to St. Petersburg, a new disappointment awaited him here. He hoped, if not for the former intimacy, then for reconciliation and the full recognition of his innocence. Nothing of the sort happened. Times have changed. The former secretary of state had no place in this system, and he soon felt it. His personal relations with the sovereign never took on their former character.

His public works were insignificant. He took part in the meetings of the council, was a member of the Siberian committee, and again set to work on the civil code; but all these studies remained almost without results. They reflected the stagnation which, after 1815, little by little took possession of public life.

Codification work by M.M. Speransky.

The codification work was entrusted to Rosenkampf, but in 1808 in

The composition of the commission included Deputy Minister of Justice M.M. Speransky. He began by reforming the commission, which was divided into a Council, a board and a group of legal advisers. M.M. Speransky became the secretary of the board. From 1810 he became the director of the commission. The State Council in 1810 considered the draft civil code (code) 43 times.

After Alexander, his brother Nicholas I came to the throne, under whom the activities of Speransky began again. The new sovereign appreciated his administrative experience, but at first, did not have much confidence in him. December 13, 1825 Speransky drafted a manifesto on the accession to the throne of Nicholas I, after December 14, appointed by Emperor Nicholas I as a member of the Supreme Court over the Decembrists, Speransky took a special part in drafting the sentence over them.

The new sovereign drew attention to the unrest in government and to the abuses of officials that occurred because there were no precise laws. Since the publication of the Code under Alexei Mikhailovich, no new collection of laws has been made. Then, on January 31, 1826, by order of Nicholas I, the Second Department of His Imperial Majesty's own Chancellery was formed, which was called upon to restore order in the legislation of the empire, i.e. create a complete set of laws, starting with the Council Code of 1649 and a set of existing laws. In fact, it was headed by the rehabilitated Speransky, one of the largest statesmen in Russia.

Codification work was carried out as follows. Registers of all laws were collected from the state senate, collegiate archives, on their basis a single register was compiled, and after that they turned to the primary sources. More than 30,000 various decrees, normative acts, and resolutions were placed in the first “Complete Collection of Laws”, starting from the “Council Code” and before the accession to the throne of Nicholas I. The indisputable advantage of this collection was that in many parts it was not an abstract work. The "Code" included many beginnings, worked out and tested by life. Laws previously known mainly only to a few lawyers became available to many. Extensive scientific-critical, historical and other works related to the richest material contained in the Complete Collection of Laws and the Code of Laws significantly contributed to the revival of legal thought and, undoubtedly, paved the way for the creation of the Code in the future.

The complete collection of laws consisted of 45 volumes, which included more than 30,000 legislative acts from 1649 to December 3, 1825. The printing of all volumes took almost two years and was completed on April 1, 1830. The circulation of the publication was 6,000 copies. At the same time, six volumes of the continuation were prepared and soon printed. By 1833, 15 volumes of the Code of Laws had been prepared. On January 17, 1833, a general meeting of the Council of State was held, which recognized the Code of Laws as the only basis for resolving all cases and established that it would come into force on January 1, 1835. Thus, in a very short time, Speransky carried out colossal work on the code and systematization of laws. However, there have been no radical changes in Russian legislation. Nicholas I strongly shied away from updating and improving the laws of the Russian Empire, so the published Code of Laws only stated the traditional autocratic structure of power and serf relations.

For his work on Russian legislation, Speransky was generously showered with the favors of the monarch. His old age passed in glory and honor. Raised on January 1, 1839 to the dignity of a count, Speransky died on February 2 of the same year.

CONCLUSION

Almost all undertakings of Alexander 1 were unsuccessful. The best of them are those that remained fruitless, others had a worse result, i.e. worsened the situation. One of the best laws of the first years was the decree of February 20, 1803 on free cultivators; it was thought that he would prepare the gradual peaceful liberation of the peasants.

The reason for their failure was their internal inconsistency. The refusal of Alexander I to carry out reforms is explained both by obvious opposition from the ruling circles and the nobility as a whole, and by his own fears of causing a peasant revolt "by touching the foundations of the existing system."

Even the gradual nature of the reforms and the fact that they did not encroach on the main privilege of the nobility, and even their details were kept secret, did not save the situation. The result was general discontent; Alexander I faced the danger of a noble rebellion. The matter was complicated by foreign policy circumstances - a new war with Napoleon was approaching.

It is possible that the desperate resistance of the elite of the nobility, intrigues and denunciations against Speransky, in the final analysis, still would not have had an effect on the emperor, if in the spring of 1811 the camp of opponents of the reforms had not suddenly received ideological and theoretical reinforcement from a completely unexpected side.

In Tver, around the Grand Duchess, an intelligent and educated woman, there was a circle of people dissatisfied with the liberalism of Alexander and, in particular, the activities of Speransky. Among them was N.M. Karamzin, who read here the first volumes of his History of the Russian State. Karamzin was introduced to the sovereign, and he handed him the "Note on Ancient and New Russia" - a kind of manifesto of the opponents of change, an expression of the views of the conservative direction of Russian thought.

According to Karamzin, autocracy is the only possible form of political structure for Russia. To the question, can you at least some

ways to limit autocracy in Russia without weakening the tsarist power, he answered in the negative. The author saw salvation in the traditions and customs of Russia, which do not need to take an example from Western Europe and France. One of these traditional features of Russia is serfdom, which arose as a result of "natural law".

Nothing new was contained in Karamzin's Note: many of his arguments and principles were already known in the previous century. However, this time these views were concentrated in one document, written on the basis of historical facts and (which was the most important for the emperor) a person not close to the court, not vested with power. He bade farewell to Karamzin coldly and did not even take the text of the Note with him. Alexander understood that the rejection of his policy embraced broad sections of society and Karamzin's voice was the voice of public opinion.

The denouement came in March 1812, when Alexander I announced to Speransky the termination of his official duties, and he was exiled to Nizhny Novgorod. The pressure on the emperor intensified, and the denunciations he received about Speransky could no longer be ignored. Alexander was forced to appoint an official investigation into the activities of his closest employee, and he would have done just that if he had believed the slander. Speransky's self-confidence, his careless statements, his desire to independently resolve all issues, pushing the sovereign into the background - all this was the reason for Speransky's resignation and exile.

The reforms of the early 19th century failed to affect the foundations of autocracy, although the proposals of the reformers were aimed at eliminating the contradictions between the state institutions of the feudal-absolutist monarchy. In fact, the king single-handedly decided the most important issues. The traditions of autocracy continued to operate, the tsar was the first to actively support them. The system worked, the man of the system took a step back at a decisive moment, because Russia, Russian society, was not ready for them, being drawn into a new social channel.

Thus ended another stage of the reign of Alexander I, and with it one of the most significant attempts in Russian history to carry out a radical state reform. A few months later, the Patriotic War with Napoleon began, ending with the expulsion of the French from Russia. Several years passed before the problems of domestic politics again attracted the attention of the emperor.

Alexander's domestic policy, first liberal, then reactionary, aimed at strengthening the autocracy, objectively contributed to the activation of the noble revolutionary movement - Decembrism.

The desire to strengthen the feudal-serf order was served by the systematization of legislation. Despite its feudal nature, the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire is a great achievement of legal thought.

MM Speransky is one of the most remarkable people in Russia. He deserves the great merit that he wanted to give his country a Constitution, free people, a complete system of elected institutions and courts, a world court, a code of laws, orderly finances, thus anticipating the great reforms of Alexander II for more than half a century and, dreaming for Russia about the successes that she could not achieve for a long time.

There is a great deal of truth in this assessment of Speransky. The full implementation of the projects would undoubtedly hasten the evolution of Russia in the direction of a landowner-bourgeois monarchy.

Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky is an outstanding personality in Russian history. Speransky was the initiator of many reforms that were of great importance for the historical development of Russia.

Mikhail was born on January 1, 1772. His family was the most ordinary, his father is a priest. The boy grew up in an atmosphere of religiosity. Its origin, it seems, prophesied the most ordinary fate for Speransky, but ...

He was a talented man, generously gifted by nature. At the age of seven, he begins his studies at the theological seminary in Vladimir.

During his studies, he showed a great craving for books, he liked to think and reflect. It was during these years that his character was formed.

Michael was firm and stubborn, while he was characterized by good nature and modesty, but his main distinguishing feature was the ability to get along well with others.

For excellent studies, he was transferred to the Alexander Nevsky Seminary in St. Petersburg. Here he gets acquainted with the philosophical works of various European thinkers.

In 1792 he completed his studies, but remained to teach at his own seminary. First, he was entrusted with teaching a course in mathematics, and then in physics, eloquence, and even philosophy.

Even the most talented people do not immediately reach the top. It also happened with Speransky. He went a long way from a promising student to one of the smartest and most influential people in the Russian Empire.

Alexei Borisovich Kurakin, a former rich and influential man, needed a house secretary. Speransky was recommended to Kurakin and, after a small trial assignment, Mikhail Mikhailovich was hired.

When Paul I became emperor of Russia, Kurakin managed to become a senator. Kurakin rapidly advanced in the service, and soon rose to the post of Prosecutor General. Speransky, on the other hand, always helped Kurakin. When Alexei Borisovich became the Prosecutor General, Mikhail Mikhailovich began working in his office.

In 1802, Speransky became secretary of state of Kochubey (who was in great confidence with Alexander I) and moved to the Ministry of the Interior. Speransky's activities in his positions were very constructive, he was appreciated by his colleagues. Having begun his public service during the reign of Paul I, when officials did not have time to sign various decrees that came out one after another, Speransky clearly, concisely and concisely set out his thoughts on paper. Many historians call him the founder of the business language in Russia.

In 1806, Kochubey began to send his secretary of state instead of himself to report to Alexander I. This is how the emperor and the future great reformer met. On Alexander Pavlovich, Speransky made the most favorable impression. Alexander I became very close to Mikhail Mikhailovich.

After the failure in the European wars with Napoleon, Russian society criticized the emperor, and he was forced to seek support. It was she who he found in the person of Speransky, who accompanied Alexander I on European trips. In 1808, Alexander I asked him to prepare a document in which he would outline his vision of transformations in Russia. He proposed a number of different reforms, some of which formed the basis of the domestic policy of Alexander I.

At the beginning of 1810, the Council of State was established. Mikhail Speransky became secretary of state, de facto, he became the second state official, after the emperor. A lot of people didn't like it, of course. The transformations carried out by him affected all strata of society. A lot of work has been done with financial reporting. The state stopped issuing banknotes, tightened control over the financial resources allocated for the needs of the ministries.

Dissatisfaction with liberal reforms, the expansion of the rights of the lower classes and the restriction of the rights of the nobility, led to great dissatisfaction among the nobles. During the intrigue of interested parties, Speransky was accused of usurping power, conspiring with France and spying for her. Mikhail Mikhailovich was sent into exile, he did not admit his guilt, and more than once wrote letters to the emperor, in which he easily deflected all accusations from himself.

The time spent in exile, Speransky did not waste. He was engaged in creativity, wrote articles and books, mostly religious. Over the years, he became more and more religious. In 1816 he asked to be returned to the civil service. This was not Speransky's first attempt to return to public activity. This time the emperor satisfied her, and appointed the disgraced reformer as the head (governor) of the Penza province.

In 1819, Mikhail Speransky became Governor-General of Siberia. In two years he will be in St. Petersburg. Already in the capital of the empire, Mikhail will complete his project to reorganize the administration of Siberia, which will be approved by Alexander I. Returning to St. Petersburg, Mikhail Mikhailovich works as a Member of the State Council, the Siberian Committee and the rank of manager of the Law Drafting Commission. Soon a new emperor, Nicholas I, ascended the Russian throne.

Nicholas I asked Mikhail Speransky to prepare a speech for the coronation day. He coped with this task with brilliance. Under Nicholas I, Speransky did, perhaps, the most significant work of his life - he streamlined the legislation of the Russian Empire. 45 volumes of legislative and regulatory legal acts that existed in the Russian Empire were published. At the same time, Speransky was compiling the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire. For his productive work in important administrative positions, Speransky would have been awarded the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called. In January 1839 he was granted the title of count. A month later, Count Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky died.

In the biography of Speransky there were ups and downs. A brilliant reformer of his time, distinguished by liberal views, who at the end of his life nevertheless became a supporter of autocratic power. This is a colorful and interesting personality, Speransky's activities can be assessed in different ways, but he is of great interest, even today.

MM. Speransky

In December 1808, Speransky, on behalf of Alexander I, began the development of the “Plan for the State Transformation of Russia”. He began work on the project not only with his usual energy, but also with the hope of its implementation.

The reformer was given all the accumulated materials of the "Secret Committee", notes and drafts received by the Commission for the drafting of state laws. By that time, he said, he "studied all the constitutions in the world" and daily discussed with the emperor every paragraph of the plan.

The main provisions of the "Plan"

In essence, the "Plan for the State Transformation of Russia" was a constitution with its fixed and unchanging laws. This was an indispensable condition for Speransky, and he himself spoke of this as follows: “In every well-organized state there must be positive principles of legislation, permanent, immutable, immovable, with which all other laws could be complied with.”

Speransky was a staunch supporter of the constitutional order. But at the same time, he understood that Russia was not ready for a constitutional system, and therefore transformations should begin with the reorganization of the state apparatus. In the period from 1808 to 1811, he drew up a plan for the state transformation from the emperor's office to the volost government. A lot of work was done, and in a very short time for such a scale.

According to Speransky's "Plan", the entire population was divided into classes:

• nobility as owners of immovable property
• average state (philistines, merchants, state peasants
• working people (servants, artisans, petty bourgeois, day laborers).

The division was carried out in accordance with political and civil rights: all three classes had civil rights, and only those who owned real estate had political rights. But there was a transition from one state to another. The presence of civil rights means that there is a certain degree of freedom in the state. But to guarantee it, Speransky believed, a political constitution is necessary.

Vladimir set of laws of the Russian Empire

He argues that the state must provide a person with his safety and the safety of his property, because. inviolability is the essence of civil rights and freedoms. These rights and freedoms are of two types: personal and material freedoms.

1. Without a trial, no one can be punished.
2. No one is required to send personal service except by law.

1. Everyone can dispose of his property arbitrarily, in accordance with the general law.
2. No one is obliged to pay taxes and duties otherwise than according to the law, and not according to arbitrariness.

As we can see, Speransky perceives the law as a method of protection, and this requires guarantees against the arbitrariness of the legislator. Therefore, a constitutional and legal limitation of power is necessary. Therefore, Speransky's plan of state reforms was based on the requirement to strengthen the civil order.

The idea of ​​separation of powers

The idea of ​​separation of powers was supposed to be the basis of the state structure of the country and to exist as legislative, executive and judicial powers. Speransky borrowed this idea from the West. He said: "It is impossible to base government on the law, if one sovereign power will make the law and execute it."

Senate should have been the supreme authority judiciary. ministries – executive. State Duma - legislative.

Above all these bodies, the State Council was established as an advisory body under the emperor, which finally approved or rejected the project submitted for consideration, even if it was adopted by the Duma. The essence of the constitution was as follows:

1) Separation of powers.

2) The opinions of the legislature are absolutely free and accurately reflect the aspirations of the people.

3) The judiciary is independent of the executive.

4) The executive branch is responsible to the legislative branch.

As you can see, the main ideas of the "Plan for the State Transformation of Russia" were satisfied with the radical ones, but the soil of Russian reality at that time was not yet ready to accept them. Alexander I was satisfied with only partial transformations of Russia, covered with liberal promises and general discourses about law and freedom. But he experienced the strongest pressure from the court environment, which sought to prevent radical changes in Russia.

The house in St. Petersburg, where M.M. Speransky

On January 1, 1810, the creation of the State Council was announced, and M. M. Speransky received the post of State Secretary in it. All the documentation that passed through the State Council was under its jurisdiction. The creation of the State Council was the first stage of transformation: it was he who had to establish plans for further reforms, all bills had to go through the State Council. The sovereign himself presided over the general meeting of the State Council. He could only approve the opinion of the majority of the general meeting. The first chairman of the State Council (until August 14, 1814) was Chancellor Count N. P. Rumyantsev. The Secretary of State (Speransky) became the head of the State Chancellery.

Other reforms

On April 3, 1809, a decree on court ranks was issued, which changed the procedure for obtaining titles and privileges. Now these ranks should be considered as simple insignia. Privileges were given only to those who performed public service. The decree on reforming the procedure for obtaining court ranks was signed by the emperor, but everyone understood that Speransky was its author. In Russia, for many decades, children of noble families from birth received the court ranks of the chamber junker (grade 5), after a while chamberlain (grade 4). Having become adults, they automatically received “higher places” without serving anywhere. And by decree of Speransky, chamber junkers and chamberlains who were not in active service were ordered to find a place of service within two months, otherwise they would be resigned.

In addition, he created a plan to change the order of production to ranks, which has been in force since the era of Peter I. Speransky speaks directly about the dangers of Peter's "Table of Ranks" and proposes to cancel or regulate the receipt of ranks, starting from the 6th grade, with a university diploma. The program included testing knowledge of the Russian language, one of the foreign languages, natural, Roman, state and criminal law, general and Russian history, state economics, physics, geography and statistics of Russia. The rank of collegiate assessor corresponded to the 8th grade of the "Table of Ranks". From this class and above, officials had significant privileges and high salaries. There were many who wanted to get it, and most of them could not take the exams. It is clear why Speransky began to be hated more and more.

In 1810-1811. Speransky reorganized the ministries: they were divided into departments, departments into departments. From the highest officials of the ministry, a council of ministers was formed, and from all ministers - a committee of ministers to discuss administrative matters.

By the beginning of 1811, Speransky proposed a project for the transformation of the Senate. He intended to divide the Senate into a government and a judiciary, but then this project was postponed. But according to his plan, the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum was established in 1810.

MM. Speransky at the monument to the 1000th anniversary of Russia in Veliky Novgorod

All aspects of Russian reality were reflected in the Plan for the Transformations of Russia. With regard to serfdom, Speransky wrote: “The relations in which both these classes (peasants and landowners) are placed completely destroy all energy in the Russian people. The interest of the nobility requires that the peasants be completely subordinate to it; the interest of the peasantry is that the nobles were also subordinate to the crown ... The throne is always a serf as the only counterweight to the property of their masters, ie, serfdom was incompatible with political freedom. Thus, Russia, divided into various classes, exhausts its forces in the struggle which these classes wage among themselves, and leaves to the government the entire scope of unlimited power. A state organized in this way - that is, on the division of hostile classes - if it has one or another external structure - these and other letters to the nobility, letters to the cities, two senates and the same number of parliaments - is a despotic state, and as long as it consist of the same elements (warring classes), it will be impossible for it to be a monarchical state.

Speransky's idea of ​​a transition from autocracy to a constitutional monarchy remained unfulfilled.

Speransky is best known for his extensive reforms. He was a supporter of the constitutional order, but believed that Russia was not yet ready to say goodbye to the monarchy, so it was necessary to gradually transform the political system, change the system of government and introduce new norms and legislative acts. By order of Alexander 1, Speransky developed an extensive program of reforms that were supposed to bring the country out of the crisis and transform the state.

The program included:

Equalization of all estates before the law;

Reducing the costs of all government departments;

Establishing strict control over the spending of public funds;

The division of power into legislative, executive and judicial, the change in the functions of ministries;

Creation of new, more advanced judicial bodies, as well as the creation of new legislation;

Introduction of a new tax system and transformations in the domestic economy and trade.

In general, Speransky wanted to create a more democratic system with a monarch at the head, where every person, regardless of his origin, had equal rights and could count on the protection of his rights in court. Speransky wanted to create a full-fledged legal state in Russia.

Unfortunately, not all the reforms proposed by Speransky were implemented. In many ways, the failure of his program was influenced by the fear of Alexander 1 before such major transformations and the dissatisfaction of the nobility, which had influence on the king.

The results of Speransky's activities

Despite the fact that not all of the plans were implemented, some of the projects drawn up by Speransky were nevertheless brought to life.

Thanks to Speransky, we managed to achieve:

The growth of the country's economy, as well as the growth of the economic attractiveness of the Russian Empire in the eyes of foreign investors, which made it possible to create a more powerful foreign trade;

Modernization of the public administration system. The army of officials began to function more efficiently for less public funds;

Create a powerful infrastructure in the domestic economy, which allowed it to develop faster and self-regulate more effectively

Create a stronger legal system. Under the leadership of Speransky, the Complete Collection of the Laws of the Russian Empire was published in 45 volumes - a document containing all the laws and acts issued since the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich.

In addition, Speransky was a brilliant lawyer and lawmaker, and the theoretical principles of management that he described over the period of his activity formed the basis of modern law.

Arakcheev Alexey Andreevich (1769-1834), Russian military leader and statesman.

Born on October 4, 1769 in the village of Garusovo, Novgorod province, in the family of a retired lieutenant of the Life Guards of the Preobrazhensky Regiment.

In 1783-1787. He studied at the Artillery and Engineering Cadet Corps of the nobility. In 1787, with the rank of lieutenant from the army, Arakcheev was left at the corps to teach mathematics and artillery. Here he compiled a textbook "Short Artillery Notes in Questions and Answers."

In 1792, Arakcheev was transferred to serve in the "Gatchina troops" of Grand Duke Pavel Petrovich. During this period, he became a favorite of the heir to the throne: After the accession of Paul I, Arakcheev was appointed commandant of St. Petersburg, promoted to major general (1796) and received the title of baron. In 1797 he became commander of the Life Guards of the Preobrazhensky Regiment and quartermaster general of the entire army. In 1798, the emperor granted him the title of count with the motto: "Without flattery betrayed."

In the same year, a theft was committed in the artillery arsenal. Arakcheev tried to hide from the emperor that on the day of the crime his brother commanded the guard. As a punishment, Paul fired him from the service. Only in 1803, Emperor Alexander I accepted the general back, appointing him inspector of all artillery and commander of the Life Guards Artillery Battalion.

In 1803-1812. As an inspector of artillery, and later as Minister of War, Arakcheev carried out a number of fundamental changes in this type of troops. Arakcheev's system was to provide Russian artillery with a high technical level and independence on the battlefield.

In January 1808 Arakcheev was appointed minister of war. From that moment on, his influence at court steadily increased until the death of Alexander (1825). In less than two years, the new minister increased the army by 30 thousand people, organized reserve recruiting depots, which made it possible in 1812 to quickly replenish existing military units, put things in order in finances and office work.

On the eve of the Patriotic War of 1812, as part of the Imperial Headquarters, he was in Vilna (now Vilnius). After the outbreak of hostilities, Arakcheev, together with Secretary of State Admiral A.S. Shishkov and Adjutant General A.D. Balashov, convinced Alexander I to leave the army and return to St. Petersburg.

From August 1814, Arakcheev led the creation of military settlements, and in 1819 he became the chief commander of them (in 1821-1826, the chief commander of the Separate Corps of military settlements). In February 1818, Arakcheev, on behalf of the emperor, drew up a project for the gradual abolition of serfdom. According to the suggestion of the count, the state was to buy out the landowners' estates at prices agreed with the owners. Alexander I approved the project, but it was not implemented.

In the reign of Nicholas I, Arakcheev retained only the command of the Separate Corps of Military Settlements. In April 1826 he was released on leave to the waters. While abroad, he published letters to him from Alexander I, causing the wrath of Nicholas. The emperor finally dismissed Arakcheev from service and forbade him to appear in the capital.

Mikhail Illarionovich Kutuzov(Mikhail Illarionovich Golenishchev-Kutuzov-Smolensky) (1745 - 1813) - the greatest commander, field marshal general.

Mikhail was born in the family of Senator Illarion Golenishchev-Kutuzov. The first training in the biography of Mikhail Kutuzov took place at home. Then, in 1759, he entered the Artillery and Engineering gentry school. After graduating from school, he remained to teach mathematics, soon became an adjutant wing, and later - a captain, company commander.

Having briefly commanded detachments, an extremely important period began in Kutuzov's biography - he was transferred to the Rumyantsev army, which was at war with Turkey. Under the leadership of Field Marshal General, as well as Alexandra Suvorova, Kutuzov gained incomparable military experience. Starting the war as an officer, he soon received the rank of lieutenant colonel.

In 1772 he was transferred to the 2nd army of Prince Dolgoruky. If we consider a further brief biography of Kutuzov, then we should note his return to Russia in 1776, receiving the rank of colonel. In 1784, Kutuzov received the rank of major general for his successful activities in the Crimea. The years 1788-1790 in Kutuzov's biography were distinguished by military saturation: he took part in the siege of Ochakov, the battles near Kaushany, the assault on Bender, Ishmael, for which he received the rank of lieutenant general. Kutuzov also took part in the Russian-Polish war, taught military disciplines a lot, served as a military governor.

For Kutuzov Mikhail Illarionovich, the biography in 1805 marked the beginning of the war with Napoleon. Being the commander-in-chief of the army, he made a march-maneuver to Olmutz. Then he was defeated in the battle of Austerlitz. In 1806 he became the military governor of Kyiv, in 1809 - the Lithuanian governor.

In 1811, in the biography of M. Kutuzov, hostilities were again launched with Turkey. The Turkish troops were defeated, and Kutuzov received the dignity of a count. During the Patriotic War of 1812, Kutuzov was appointed commander-in-chief of all Russian armies, and also received the title of His Serene Highness. Initially retreating, Kutuzov showed an excellent strategy during the Battle of Borodino, as well as the Battle of Tarutino. Napoleon's army was destroyed.

Pestel Pavel Ivanovich (1793-1826), Decembrist.

Born on July 5, 1793, a descendant of several generations of Moscow postal directors, the son of the Siberian Governor-General I. B. Pestel.

He studied in Dresden and in the St. Petersburg Corps of Pages. Serving in the Guards, he went through the Patriotic War of 1812 and the Foreign Campaigns of 1813-1814. He became a colonel of the Vyatka regiment (1821).

From the very beginning, Pestel's deep knowledge and oratory made him one of the leaders of the noble revolutionaries. He wrote the statutes of the secret organization the Union of Salvation (1816). He created in the city of Tulchin the council of the Welfare Union (1818), ensured that its members adopted the republican program and agreed on the need to kill the tsar, and then on the demand to destroy the entire imperial family.

Pestel created and headed the Southern Society of the Decembrists (1821) and tried to merge it with the Northern Society based on his Russkaya Pravda program. In this document, he insisted on the release of peasants with land, the restriction of landownership and the formation of two funds from confiscated land: for distribution to peasant communities and for sale or lease by the state.

Pestel dreamed of destroying the estates in Russia and giving the right to vote to all men from the age of 20 to elect the supreme legislative, executive and control bodies. He believed that elections should take place when the Provisional Government, which had dictatorial rights, had completed its revolutionary work.

On December 13, 1825, Pestel was arrested on a denunciation and could not take part in the uprising on Senate Square.

Together with other Decembrists sentenced to death, he was executed on July 25, 1826 in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

Nikita Mikhailovich Muravyov(1795 - 1843) - Decembrist, one of the most important ideologists of the movement.

Nikita was born into a noble family in St. Petersburg. The first education in the biography of N. Muravyov was received at home. Then he entered Moscow University, after which he began working as a registrar in the Department of the Ministry of Justice.

1812 in the biography of N.M. Muravyov is marked by joining the army. Already in 1813 he became an ensign. Nikita Muraviev took part in the battles near Dresden, Hamburg, fought against Napoleon. Since 1817 he was a Freemason, was a member of the Lodge of the Three Virtues. In 1820, he retired at the request, then began to serve in the Guards General Staff.

Muraviev contributed to the formation of the Union of Salvation, the Union of Prosperity. Being a zealous activist, at one of the meetings in 1820 he expressed the idea of ​​establishing a republican form of government through an armed uprising.

In 1821 for N.M. Muravyov in his biography, another important event took place - he organized the Northern Society. In the same year, the activist developed his own version of the Constitution, but after criticism from fellow thinkers, he corrected some points.

Despite the fact that Muravyov left Petersburg in December 1825, he was arrested on December 20 because he was considered involved in the work of a secret society. December 26 placed in the Peter and Paul Fortress, sentenced to 20 years hard labor. However, later the term was changed, shortened to 15 years. In December 1826, Muravyov arrived in Siberia. Nikita's wife, Alexandra Chernysheva, went with her husband. In 1836 he arrived in Irkutsk, died there, in the Irkutsk province in 1843.

Emperor Nicholas 1 was born on June 25 (July 6), 1796. He was the third son Paul 1 and Maria Feodorovna. He received a good education, but did not recognize the humanities. He was versed in the art of war and fortification. He was good at engineering. However, despite this, the king was not loved in the army. Cruel corporal punishment and coldness led to the fact that the nickname of Nicholas 1 "Nikolai Palkin" was fixed among the soldiers.

In 1817 Nicholas married the Prussian princess Frederica Louise Charlotte Wilhelmina.

Alexandra Feodorovna, wife of Nicholas 1, with amazing beauty, became the mother of the future emperor Alexandra 2.

Nicholas 1 ascended the throne after the death of his elder brother Alexander 1. Constantine, the second pretender to the throne, renounced his rights during the life of his elder brother. Nicholas 1 did not know about this and at first swore allegiance to Constantine. This short period would later be called the Interregnum. Although the manifesto on the accession to the throne of Nicholas 1 was issued on December 13 (25), 1825, legally the reign of Nicholas 1 began on November 19 (December 1). And the first day was clouded Decembrist uprising on Senate Square, which was suppressed, and the leaders were executed in 1826. But Tsar Nicholas 1 saw the need to reform the social system. He decided to give the country clear laws, while relying on bureaucracy, since trust in the nobility was undermined.

The domestic policy of Nicholas 1 was characterized by extreme conservatism. The slightest manifestations of free thought were suppressed. He defended autocracy with all his might. The secret office under the leadership of Benckendorff was engaged in political investigation. After the release of the censorship charter in 1826, all printed publications with the slightest political overtones were banned. Russia under Nicholas 1 quite strongly resembled the country of the era Arakcheeva.

The reforms of Nicholas 1 were limited. Legislation has been streamlined. Under the direction of Speransky The publication of the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire began. Kiselev carried out a reform of the management of state peasants. Peasants were allotted land when they moved to uninhabited areas, first-aid posts were built in the villages, and innovations in agricultural technology were introduced. But the introduction of innovations took place by force and caused sharp discontent. In 1839 - 1843. a financial reform was also carried out, which established the ratio between the silver ruble and banknotes. But the question of serfdom remained unresolved.

The foreign policy of Nicholas 1 pursued the same goals as the domestic policy. During the reign of Nicholas 1, Russia fought the revolution not only within the country, but also outside it. In 1826 - 1828. As a result of the Russian-Iranian war, Armenia was annexed to the territory of the country. Nicholas 1 condemned the revolutionary processes in Europe. In 1849 he sent Paskevich's army to crush the Hungarian revolution. In 1853 Russia entered into Crimean War. But, following the results of the Peace of Paris, concluded in 1856, the country lost the right to have a fleet and fortresses on the Black Sea, lost South Moldavia. The failure undermined the king's health. Nicholas 1 died on March 2 (February 18), 1855 in St. Petersburg, and his son, Alexander 2, ascended the throne.

Alexander I wished Russia liberal reforms. For this purpose, a "secret committee" was created, and Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky became the emperor's main assistant.

M. M. Speransky- the son of a village priest, who became the secretary of the emperor without patronage, had many talents. He read a lot and knew foreign languages.

On behalf of the emperor, Speransky worked out a draft of reforms designed to change the system of government in Russia.

Speransky's reform project.

M. Speransky suggested the following changes:

• introduce the principle of separation of powers into legislative, executive and judicial;
• introduce local self-government of three levels: volost, district (county) and provincial
• allow all land owners, including state peasants (45% of the total) to participate in the elections

The electivity of the State Duma was for the first time supposed to be based on suffrage - multi-stage, unequal for nobles and peasants, but broad. The reform of M. Speransky did not endow the State Duma with broad powers: all projects were discussed, approved by the Duma, they would come into force only after the royal permission.

The tsar and the government, as executive power, were deprived of the right to legislate at their own will.

Evaluation of M. Speransky's reforms.

If the project of the state reform of Russia by M. Speransky were put into action, it would make our country a constitutional monarchy, and not an absolute one.

Draft of a new Russian Civil Code.

M. Speransky dealt with this project in the same way as the first: without taking into account the real situation in the state.

The activist drew up new laws based on the philosophical works of the West, but in practice, many of these principles simply did not work.

Many articles of this project are a copy of the Napoleonic Code, which caused outrage in Russian society.

M. Speransky issued a decree on changing the rules for assigning ranks, tried to deal with the budget deficit, which was devastated by wars, and participated in the development of a customs tariff in 1810.

End of reforms.

Opposition to the reformer both at the top and at the bottom dictated to Alexander I the decision to remove M. Speransky from all his posts and exile him to Perm. So in March 1812, his political activities were interrupted.

In 1819, M. Speransky was appointed governor-general of Siberia, and in 1821 he returned to St. Petersburg and became a member of the established State Council. After the forced exile, M. Speransky revised his views, began to express thoughts that were opposite to the previous ones.