3rd crusade. First crusade - second, third

In the East, the power of Salah ad-din Yusuf ibn Ayyub (in Europe he was called Saladin) increased. He subdued first Damascus, then Syria and Mesopotamia. Saladin became sultan. The main rival was the king of the Jerusalem state Baldwin IV. Both rulers avoided a general battle with each other.

In 1185, after the death of Baldwin, the radical Guy de Lusignan became king, having married his sister. Together with Renaud de Chatillon, he sought to put an end to Saladin. Renault provokes the Sultan of Damascus and attacks the convoy with his sister. In 1187 he starts a war. He captures Tiberias, Acre, Beirut and other Christian cities. On October 2, 1187, Jerusalem falls under the onslaught of his army. Only three cities (Antioch, Tire and Tripoli) remain under the rule of the crusaders.

Remark 1

The news of the fall of Jerusalem shook the Europeans. Pope Gregory VII called for war with the infidels.

The composition and goals of the participants in the third crusade

The general proclaimed goal of the new campaign was the return of the Holy Land of Jerusalem into the hands of Christians. In reality, each monarch participating in the campaign sought to achieve his political aspirations.

The English king Richard I tried to achieve the realization of the plans of his father Henry II Plantagenet. His plans included the subjugation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the consolidation of power in the Mediterranean and the formation of the Angevin world power.

The German Emperor Frederick I set a goal to strengthen the Barbarossa dynasty. To do this, he wanted to restore the boundaries of the great Roman Empire. Therefore, Frederick II sought to increase his influence in Italy and Sicily, to defeat Byzantium.

The French king Philip II saw the weakening of royal power in the state and tried to correct the situation with a victorious war. Simultaneously with the increase in prestige, he hoped to gather forces to suppress the Plantagenets.

The Sicilian Admiral Margariton did not lag behind his powerful allies in plans of conquest.

The commanders chose the following ways to advance to Jerusalem:

  • the British crossed the English Channel, joined with the French, then moved together through Marseille and Genoa to Messina and Tyre;
  • the Germans planned to reach the Gallipoli peninsula along the Danube and cross into Asia Minor.

Major Events of the Third Crusade

Remark 2

The Italians started a new crusade. In 1188 Admiral Margariton sailed with his squadron from Pisa and Genoa. In May 1189, the Germans set out from the city of Regensburg.

First came the Italians under the command of Admiral Margariton, whose fleet was joined by ships from Pisa and Genoa (1188). In May 1189, the Germans set off from Regensburg. In the spring of the following year (March 1190), the crusaders arrived in Iconium. On June 10, 1190, while crossing the Salef River, King Frederick I drowned. The Germans were broken and returned home. Only a small group reached Acre.

In the summer of the same year, the French and the British finally set off on a campaign. Richard ferried his troops from Marseille to Sicily. The local ruler Tancred Li Lecce was supported by the French king. The British were defeated, and Richard, capturing the island of Cyprus along the way, set off for Tire. Philip II was already here.

The combined forces of Europeans and Eastern Christians laid siege to Acre. In July 1191 the city was captured. Philip II went to France and began preparations for war with Richard I. At this time, the English king was trying to liberate Jerusalem. On September 2, 1192, Saladin and Richard signed a peace treaty. He made the following provisions:

  1. the war between Christians and Muslims ceased;
  2. Jerusalem remained Muslim, Saladin was recognized as its ruler;
  3. the crusaders were given the coastal strip between the cities of Tire and Jaffa for the development of trade.

Results of the Third Crusade

The officially proclaimed goal of the crusaders was not achieved. They managed to capture only the island of Cyprus. Negative consequence of the campaign: aggravation of relations between European states. A positive consequence is the revival of trade between West and East.

Introduction

The Third Crusade (1189-1192) was initiated by Popes Gregory VIII and (after the death of Gregory VIII) Clement III. Four of the most powerful European monarchs took part in the Crusade - the German Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa, the French King Philip II Augustus, the Austrian Duke Leopold V and the English King Richard I the Lionheart. The Third Crusade was preceded by Saladin's capture of Jerusalem in October 1187.

1. The position of Christian states in the East

The situation of the Christian states in the East after the second crusade remained in the same state as it was before 1147. Neither the French nor the German kings did anything to weaken Nuredin. Meanwhile, in the Christian states of Palestine themselves, internal decay is noticed, which is used by the neighboring Muslim rulers. The licentiousness of morals in the principalities of Antioch and Jerusalem is revealed especially sharply after the end of the Second Crusade.

In the Jerusalem and Antioch states, women were at the head of the board: in Jerusalem - Queen Melisende of Jerusalem, mother of Balduen III; in Antioch since 1149 - Constance, widow of Prince Raymond. Court intrigues began, the throne was surrounded by temporary workers, who lacked neither the desire nor the ability to become above the interests of the party. The Muslims, seeing the failure of the attempts of European Christians to liberate the Holy Land, began to advance on Jerusalem and Antioch with greater determination; From the middle of the 12th century, Nuredin, the emir of Aleppo and Mosul, who stood much higher than the Christian sovereigns in his character, mind and understanding of the historical tasks of the Muslim world, acquired special fame and fatal significance for Christians from the middle of the 12th century.

Nuredin turned all his forces against the Principality of Antioch. In the war of Raymond of Antioch with Nuredin, which was fought during the years 1147-1149, the Antiochians were utterly defeated more than once, in 1149 Raymond himself fell in one of the battles. Since then, things have been no better in Antioch than in Jerusalem.

All the events of the second half of the 12th century in the East are mainly grouped around the majestic imposing figure of Nuredin, who was then replaced by the no less majestic Saladin. Owning Aleppo and Mossul, Nuredin did not limit himself to the fact that he constrained the principality of Antioch, he also drew attention to the position of the kingdom of Jerusalem.

Back in 1148, the Jerusalem king, sending Conrad to Damascus, made a big mistake, which affected immediately after the Second Crusade. It entailed a very sad outcome: Damascus, pressed by the Jerusalem crusaders, enters into an agreement with Nuredin, who becomes the ruler of all the largest cities and the main regions belonging to the Muslims. When Nuredin seized Damascus and the Muslim world saw in Nuredin its most important representative, the position of Jerusalem and Antioch constantly hung in the balance. From this it was evident how precarious the position of the Eastern Christians was and how it constantly called for assistance from the West.

While Palestine gradually passed into the hands of Nuredin, in the north, the claims of the Byzantine king Manuel Komnenos increased, who did not lose sight of the centuries-old Byzantine policy and used all measures to reward himself at the expense of the weakened Christian principalities. A knight at heart, a highly energetic man who loved glory, King Manuel was ready to carry out the policy of restoring the Roman Empire within its old boundaries. He repeatedly undertook campaigns to the East, which were very successful for him. His policy tended to gradually unite the Principality of Antioch with Byzantium. After the death of his first wife, the sister of King Conrad III, Manuel marries one of the princesses of Antioch. The relations that flowed from this were to eventually bring Antioch under the rule of Byzantium. Thus, both in the south, due to the successes of Nuredin, and in the north, due to the claims of the Byzantine king, the Christian principalities in the second half of the 12th century were threatened with an imminent end.

The difficult situation of the Christian East did not remain unknown in the West, and the attitude of the Byzantine king towards Christians could not but arouse hatred towards him on the part of Western Europeans. More and more hostile voices were heard against Byzantium in the West.

2. War with Saladin

Saladin gave a new direction to affairs in the East; under him, the Egyptian caliphate was united with the Baghdad caliphate. Saladin had all the qualities needed to carry out the ideal tasks of the Muslim world and restore the predominance of Islam. The character of Saladin is revealed from the history of the Third Crusade, from his relationship with the English King Richard the Lionheart. Saladin resembles the traits of a knightly character, and in his political acumen he stood far above his European enemies. Not for the first time during the Third Crusade, Saladin is an enemy of the Christians. He began his activities during the Second Crusade; he participated in the wars of Zengi and Nuredin against the Christians. After the end of the Second Crusade, he went to Egypt, where he acquired great importance and influence on affairs, and soon seized the supreme administration in the Caliphate, while at the same time maintaining ties and relations with the Baghdad Caliphate.

After the death of Nuredin, his sons started an internecine struggle. Saladin took advantage of these strife, came to Syria with troops and presented his claims to Aleppo and Mosul. An enemy of the Christians, who glorified himself as a conqueror, Saladin combined with vast possessions and formidable military forces energy, intelligence and a deep understanding of political circumstances. The eyes of the whole Muslim world turned to him; Muslim hopes rested on him as a person who could restore the political predominance lost by the Muslims and return the possessions taken by the Christians. The lands conquered by the Christians were equally sacred to both Egyptian and Asiatic Muslims. The religious idea was as deep and real in the East as in the West. On the other hand, Saladin also deeply understood that the return of these lands to the Muslims and the restoration of the forces of Islam in Asia Minor would raise his authority in the eyes of the entire Muslim world and give a solid foundation to his dynasty in Egypt.

Thus, when Saladin seized Aleppo and Mosul in 1183, the Christians came to a very important moment in which they had to solve very serious problems. But the Christian princes were far below their role and their tasks. At a time when they were surrounded on all sides by a hostile element, they were in the most unfavorable conditions in order to resist their enemies: there was not only no solidarity between the individual principalities, but they were in extreme demoralization; nowhere was there such room for intrigue, ambition, and murder as in the eastern principalities. An example of immorality is the Jerusalem Patriarch Heraclius, who not only resembled the worst popes of Rome, but in many ways surpassed them: he openly lived with his mistresses and squandered all his means and income on them; but he was no worse than the others; no better were princes, barons, knights and clerics. For example, the noble Templar Robert of St. Albany, having converted to Islam, went to the service of Saladin and took a high position in his army. Complete licentiousness of morals prevailed among those people who had very serious tasks in view of the advancing formidable enemy. The barons and knights, pursuing their personal selfish interests, did not consider it at all shameful at the most important moments, during the battle, to leave the ranks of the Christian troops and go over to the side of the Muslims. This absolute lack of understanding of events played into the hands of such a far-sighted and intelligent politician as Saladin, who fully understood the state of affairs and appreciated all their importance.

If treachery and treachery could be expected among knights and barons, then the main leaders, princes and kings, were no better than them. In Jerusalem, Baldwin IV ruled, an energetic, courageous and courageous man, who more than once personally took part in battles with the Saracens. Due to the impossibility of a cure for leprosy and the feeling of a melting of strength, he was forced to resolve the issue of the heir to the throne in order to prevent unrest in the kingdom, which threatened to ensue due to disputes over contenders for the crown. Baldwin IV intended to crown his infant nephew Baldwin V; at the same time, a dispute arose over guardianship: Guido Lusignan, son-in-law of Baldwin V, and Raymond, count of Tripoli argued.

Renaud de Chatillon served as a representative of complete arbitrariness, who carried out robbery raids on Muslim trade caravans coming from Egypt; not only did Raynald incite Muslims against Christians with his raids, but he caused significant harm to the Christian principalities themselves, who lived in these caravans, and undermined the trade of Tyre, Sidon, Ascalon, Antioch and other coastal Christian cities at the very root.

During one of these excursions that Raynald made from his castle, he robbed a caravan in which Saladin's sister was also. This circumstance can be considered the closest motive that caused a clash between the Muslim ruler and the Christian princes. Saladin had previously pointed out to the King of Jerusalem the unworthy deeds of Renaud de Chatillon, but the king had no means to curb the baron. Now that an insult to honor and kindred feelings had been inflicted on Saladin, he, despite the truce that had been concluded between him and the Christian princes, declared war on the Christians not for life, but for death.

The war began in 1187. Saladin decided to punish the king of Jerusalem, both for the misdeeds of Renaud de Chatillon, and for his only apparent independence. The troops of Saladin advanced from Aleppo and Mosul and were very significant in comparison with the forces of the Christians. In Jerusalem, it was possible to recruit up to 2 thousand knights and up to 15 thousand infantry, but even these insignificant forces were not local, but were made up of visiting Europeans.

2.1. hattin

Two thousand mounted knights, eighteen thousand infantrymen and several thousand light archers gathered to the rescue of Tiberias - an army of considerable size by that scale. The euphoria from the sudden unity that arose was universal. The master of the Templars opened to the king of Jerusalem the treasury, transferred by the English king in case of a third crusade. The army was well equipped and sent to the parking lot in Galilee, to the Sephoria spring. The only one who did not come to the army was Patriarch Heraclius. He declared himself ill and only sent the Holy Cross, accompanied by two bishops.

The refusal of Heraclius to participate in the campaign did not surprise anyone. The Patriarch of Jerusalem was known as a great lover of life. According to the chronicler, the patriarch kept a mistress, had children from her, and this mistress, dressed luxuriously like a princess, accompanied by her retinue, walked through the streets of the city. So the absence of the patriarch was greeted with jokes about the fact that the old jealous man does not dare to leave his mistress unattended. Carrying the cross was entrusted to the Templars.

On July 3, when the crusading army was already approaching Tiberias, it became known that the city had fallen. Only his citadel held out, where the family of Raymond Tripoli took refuge. Countess Eshiwa bravely held the line.

Before the last passage to Tiberias, the barons gathered for a council in the tent of King Guy.

Raymond Tripoli was the first to speak.

I stand for the fact that Tiberias should not be beaten off, ”he said. - Please note that I am not driven by selfishness - because I risk more than others: my family is besieged in the citadel and at any moment can fall into the hands of the Saracens. But if they take my wife, my people, and my possessions, I will take them back to me when I can, and rebuild my city when I can. (The count knew what he was saying: indeed, Saladin, having captured Countess Eshiva, let her go with expensive gifts.) For I would rather see Tiberias destroyed than the whole earth perished. Until Tiberias itself, there are no springs, and the area is open. The sun will bake inexorably. We will lose many men and horses. The army of Salah ad-Din should be expected here, at the sources.

The barons noisily supported Raymond. The Hospitallers agreed with him. Only the Grand Master of the Templars remained silent. King Guy, joining the opinion of the majority, ordered not to move anywhere further and to strengthen the camp in case the Saracens appeared.

But after dinner, the Grand Master of the Knights Templar came to the king's tent. He explained to Guy that Raymond of Tripoli's plan was a clear betrayal. "I see a wolf's skin" - he spitefully. Raymond aims for the throne of Jerusalem and gave such advice to disgrace the king and deprive him of a possible victory and glory. Never before had the king of Jerusalem had such a huge army. We must hastily go to Tiberias, attack the Saracens and defeat them. “Go, then, and command the army to shout, so that everyone arm themselves and stand each in his squadron and follow the banner of the Holy Cross.” Then all the glory will go to the king.

In the morning, to the surprise of the barons, the king came out of the tent in a white cloak with a red cross of the Templars, in chain mail, in a helmet and with a sword. He ordered to saddle the horses and move forward. The barons grumbled, but on the campaign the king was in command. The firm confidence of the templars who had already mounted their horses also had an effect. And the army began to stretch out along the parched valley. The Christians marched in three detachments: the vanguard was commanded by Count Raymond of Tripoli, King Guy led the center, in which the Holy Cross was located, under the protection of the bishops of Acre and Lida. Balian Ibelinsky commanded the rearguard, which included the Templars and Hospitallers. The number of Christian troops was about 1200 knights, 4000 mounted sergeants and turkopols and about 18000 infantry.

By noon, people were already falling from heatstroke. Fine yellow dust hung over the valley.

Soon the rearguard of the army began to be disturbed by the flying detachments of Salah ad-Din. Baron Ibelin lost many foot soldiers and even knights in these short skirmishes.

The crusaders approached the village of Manescalcia, located five kilometers from Tiberias. The king turned to Raymond for advice. The count suggested pitching tents and camping. As good as Raymond's first advice was, the second was just as bad. The delay only increased the exhaustion of the soldiers, the only source found here was small, and it was not even possible to properly water the horses. Many contemporaries were of the opinion that if the crusaders had attacked on the move, they had at least a small chance of winning. However, the king followed the advice of the Count of Tripoli, and the Christians set up camp.

The position of the Latin army stretched for two kilometers. On its left flank were wooded slopes ending in a small hill on which stood the village of Nimrin. On the right flank was the village of Lubiya, located on a hill overgrown with forests. Ahead rose the rocks, nicknamed the Horns of Hattin, on the right side of which, one could see the Lake of Galilee.

The Saracen army took up the following positions. Detachment of Taqi al Din settled on a plateau between Nimrin and the Horns of Hattin, thereby blocking the road to the source in the village of Hattin. Saladin's troops held the hills around Lubia, blocking the way to the Lake of Galilee. The Gökböri detachment was down on the plain, not far from the rearguard of the Christians. Presumably, Saladin gathered 12,000 professional cavalry and 33,000 less effective troops under his banner.

During the night the two armies were so close to each other that their pickets could talk to each other. Thirsty and demoralized, the crusaders heard drums all night, the sounds of prayers and songs coming from the camp of the enemy.

In addition, Saladin ordered dry bushes to be laid out on the leeward side of the proposed route of the Latin army.

When it got dark, a beggar old woman was caught near the camp of the crusaders. Someone shouted that this is a Muslim sorceress who wants to bring damage to the crusaders. They immediately built a fire from the firewood they had taken with them and burned the old woman alive. From the nearest hill, Salah ad-Din watched the knight's camp and could not understand why the Christians needed such a large fire. The cries of the old woman did not reach Salah ad-Din.

By noon, the armies converged at the village of Lubiya. It was even hotter than the day before. It seemed to the knights that they were being baked alive, and they fought sluggishly. The infantry lagged behind, the Templars driving the archers forward like a flock of sheep. It was not possible to break through the Saracen formation.

Guy found Raymond of Tripoli. The old warrior's white cloak was torn open by a spear. Raymond staggered from exhaustion. Guy asked what to do next. He no longer believed the Grand Master of the Templars. Raymond replied that the only hope for salvation was to retreat in the hope that Salah ad-Din would not pursue the crusaders.

Guy ordered to blow the retreat.

The crusader army, fighting off the Saracens who went on the offensive, withdrew to a large sloping hill where the village of Hattin stood. There was no water. The well in the village was emptied to the bottom. Those who did not get water sucked on the wet sand. The enemies stood so close that their voices could be heard.

With the onset of darkness, the soldiers began to run to the camp of Salah al-Din. Late at night, five Tripoli knights came to Salah ad-Din. Among them were Baldwin de Fotina, Ralphus Bructus and Ludovic de Tabaria. It is possible that they deserted with the knowledge of Count Raymond, on whose lands this battle took place. The knights told Salah ad-Din what he knew even without them - the situation of the crusaders is hopeless, and their state of mind is so low that a small push is enough for the fruit to fall from the tree. It is known that Salah ad-Din ordered the knights to drink and give them a tent. He bore no malice towards the Count of Tripoli.

At dawn, the first to rise in the camp were the knights of René of Châtillon. They decided to break through.

But they were late. Salah ad-Din woke up early. His men set fire to the heather, and an acrid smoke crept up the hill, hiding the turmoil in the camp. The hill was surrounded by Seljuk horsemen. A wave of René's knights bumped into them and rolled back into the smoke and despair of doom.

Saladin immediately sent his center and perhaps the left flank, under the command of Gökböri, to attack. The Templars counter-attacked at the same time as Count Raymond's vanguard sent their detachment against Taqi al Din and the Muslim right flank, which blocked the advance. During this battle, Saladin lost one of his closest emirs - the young Manguras, who fought on the right flank of the Muslim army. Manguras, having delved into the ranks of the infidels, challenged the Christian knight to a duel, but was thrown from his horse and beheaded.

The main task of Saladin was still not to allow Christians to the water - neither to the spring in Hattin, nor to the Lake of Galilee. Therefore, he deployed the troops as follows. Taqi al Din covered the path to the village of Hattin by holding positions from the foot of the Horns to Nimrin Hill. The center of the Muslim army was located between the foot of the Horns and the Lubian hill, blocking the main road to Tiberias. The Gökböri detachment was located between Lubiya and the Jabal Turan massifs, blocking the retreat route to the west to the spring in the village of Turan. Fortifying one of the flanks on a hill was a common tactic for the Turkish-Muslim cavalry, while placing the center of the army on a hill was common for the foot army. In addition, Saladin was afraid that the crusaders would be able to break through to the lake, so he gave a direct order to stop the Christians in this direction at any cost.

Meanwhile, Saladin was preparing the main charge of the Muslim cavalry. In order to repel this attack, King Guy Lusignan ordered the army to stop and put up tents, but because of the ensuing confusion, only three tents were erected "near the mountains" - not far to the west or southwest of the Horns. The smoke from the lit bushes now played its part, irritating the eyes of the crusaders and increasing their already unbearable thirst. The Muslim units still stationed around the Horns of Hattin also suffered from this smoke until the detachments of Saladin and Taqi al Din dispersed.

At this time, Count Raymond Trypilsky launched an attack in a northern direction, as a result of which he managed to avoid the defeat that befell the army of the crusaders. The old count galloped ahead of his squad. Down the hillside and down the dusty road, the detachment went to Tripoli. Then Count Raymond was reproached for entering into an agreement with Salah ad-Din at night. Not excluded. The campaign was lost, and Raymond knew better than anyone else. In any case, one circumstance is clear - Taki al Din did not try to stop Raymond, on the contrary, he ordered his lightly armed soldiers to let the crusaders through. If Taki al Din advanced his people to Nimrin Hill, letting Count Raymond's cavalry pass, then he would completely open the passage between his troops and Saladin's detachment, located south of the Horns of Hattin, into which Christian infantry could pour, so his soldiers simply dispersed to the sides, and then quickly returned to their positions, thereby practically eliminating the possibility of striking from the rear by the erupted knights, since the latter would have to attack from a narrow and steep path.

On Hattin Hill, meanwhile, the battle was in full swing. The center of the battle was in the area of ​​​​the royal tent and the Holy Cross, which was guarded by the Johnites and the servants of the bishops. The infantry was cut off from the knights, and in vain did King Guy send messengers demanding that the infantry rush to the rescue of the Holy Cross. The morale of the troops was so depressed that the crusaders, despite the order of the king and the exhortation of the bishop, replied: "We will not go down and fight, because we are dying of thirst." The horses of the knights, which turned out to be unprotected, were killed by the Saracen archers, and already most of the knights fought on foot.

Twice the Saracen cavalry attacked the slopes before they managed to capture the saddle between the Horns. Young Al Afdal, who was next to his father, exclaimed: "We defeated them!", but Saladin turned to him and said: "Hush! We will break them when this tent falls." At this moment, the Muslim cavalry fought their way to the southern hill, and someone cut the ropes of the royal tent. This, as Saladin had predicted, marked the end of the battle. The exhausted crusaders fell to the ground and surrendered without further resistance. Then it was the king's turn.

The day had not yet had time to flare up, as the Christian army ceased to exist. The Arab historian says that the Muslims did not have enough ropes to tie up all the prisoners. There were so many of them that slave prices plummeted; the owner exchanged one of the knights for a pair of boots. All captured Turkopols, as traitors to the faith, were executed right on the battlefield.

Bishops are dead. The holy cross was captured, and its further fate is unknown. True, a few years later a knight appeared in Akka, who claimed that he had buried the cross on that hill. A whole expedition was equipped. They dug for three days, but did not find the cross.

Among the knights who were captured were King Guy de Lusignan, his brother Geoffrey de Lusignan, constable Amaury de Lusignan, Margrave of Montferrat, Rene of Châtillon, Humphrey de Toron, Master of the Order of the Knights Templar, Master of the Order of the Hospitallers, Bishop of Lida and many barons. In fact, all the nobility of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, with the exception of Count Raymond, Balian of Ibelin and Joscelin de Courtenay (brother of Agnes de Courtenay and uncle of Sibylla of Jerusalem), fell into the hands of Saladin.

Covered with dust, haggard captives were brought to the tent to Salah ad-Din. Evidently feeling magnanimous after the splendid victory, the Sultan offered a bowl of cold sherbet to Guy de Lusignan. The king, having drunk from the cup, handed it over to Count Rene of Châtillon, whom Saladin swore to kill. The fact is that, according to Arab custom, a captive who received food or water from the hands of the winner cannot be harmed in the future. Seeing Rene drinking sherbet, Salah ad-Din declared: "This criminal received water without my consent, and my hospitality does not extend to him." René shuddered, but hid his fear and handed the cup to the master of the Templars.

Salah ad-Din drew his saber. Then he said:

I will give you life if you repent and convert to Islam.

Rene, knowing that his fate was close, answered the Sultan with haughty courage. Salah ad-Din hit him with a saber.

Rene fell. The guards ran up and cut off his head. After the earl was killed, Saladin dipped his finger into the enemy's blood and ran it over his face as a sign that his revenge was over. Then Rene's head was taken to the cities of the Sultanate.

After that, Salah ad-Din ordered all the captives to be taken to prison. They were to remain there until a ransom was paid for them.

An exception was made only for the Templars and Johnites. There were over two hundred of them. All captured Templars and Hospitallers were offered a choice: either convert to Islam or die. Conversion under pain of death is against Islamic law. But Salah ad-Din said that the monk-knights are as terrible as the assassins. Only these are Christian assassins - murderers without honor, who should not live on Earth. Salah ad-Din had his own scores with the assassins: he was assassinated several times. And all the Templars and Johnites were executed. Only a few knights converted to Islam, one of them was a Templar from Spain, who in 1229 commanded the garrison of Damascus.

The rest of the knights were released for ransom. Crusaders of humble origin were sold into slavery.

About 3,000 of the Christian army fled the battlefield, they were able to take refuge in nearby castles and fortified cities.

Some time later, Saladin erected the Qubbat al Nasr monument on the south hill. Only a small part of the foundation has survived to this day.

The Battle of Tiberias (or the Battle of Hattin) sounded the death knell for the Latin states in the Middle East. The lost bet on a general battle led to the fact that there were no garrisons in the cities of the coast, there were no knights and barons who could lead the defense. The mighty fortress walls were shells of empty nuts. And since the population of coastal cities (unlike Jerusalem, where several tens of thousands of Christians lived) was mostly Muslim, the transfer of power to the governors of Salah ad-Din did not threaten the artisans and merchants of Jaffa, Beirut, Jericho, Caesarea and other cities. .

Within a few weeks, Muslim detachments crushed the resistance of the cities. By autumn, only Jerusalem, Tire, Ascalon and Tripoli remained in the hands of the crusaders. The ease with which the crusading world collapsed was stunning. Fugitives from the cities - families of knights, priests, merchants could not get through to Jerusalem. Since August, Jerusalem has been cut off from the coast and blockaded.

From day to day, Tire was to fall - negotiations were already underway for its surrender. But unexpectedly for Salah ad-Din and for the desperate defenders of the city, sails appeared in the sea: at the head of a small squadron with a hundred Byzantine archers and several knights, breaking through the blockade, Konrad of Montferrat arrived in Tire. Conrad's older brother, Wilhelm, was the first husband of Queen Sibylla. In terms of nobility, Montferra was not inferior to anyone in the Latin states.

The appearance of Conrad changed the state of affairs in Tire. Conrad quickly set up defenses. The assault launched by the Saracens failed. The news that Tire was holding out and that Salah ad-Din was powerless to defeat Conrad of Montferrat spread throughout the Holy Land, instilling hope in the thinned ranks of the crusaders. He refused to surrender to Tripoli, although Raymond of Tripoli, who returned there, tired and disappointed, was dying. The defense was led by the wife of the count, who arrived from Tiberias. Balian of Ibelin also retreated to Tire with a small detachment.

Under Hattin, the Christians were defeated, from which they could no longer recover, and it was this victory of Saladin that later led to the death of the crusader states in the Holy Land.

Having seized these points (Beirut, Sidon, Jaffa, Ascalon), Saladin cut off Christians from communications with Western Europe and was able to take control of internal points without obstacles. Taking the coastal cities, Saladin destroyed the Christian garrisons everywhere and replaced them with Muslim ones. In addition to Jerusalem, Antioch, Tripoli and Tire remained in the hands of Christians.

In September 1187, Saladin approached Jerusalem. The townspeople thought to resist, so they responded evasively to Saladin's proposal to surrender the city under the condition of granting freedom to the besieged. But when a close siege of the city began, the Christians, deprived of organizing forces, saw the impossibility of resistance and turned to Saladin with peace negotiations. Saladin agreed to give them freedom and life for a ransom, and men paid 10 gold coins each, women 5 each, children 2 each. Jerusalem was taken by Saladin on October 2.

After the capture of Jerusalem, he could no longer meet with obstacles to the conquest of the rest of the Christian lands. Tire held on only due to the fact that it was defended by Count Conrad, who arrived from Constantinople from the house of the Dukes of Montferrat, distinguished by intelligence and energy.

3. Preparing for the trip

The news of what had happened in the East was not immediately received in Europe, and the movement began in the West not earlier than 1188. The first news of events in the Holy Land came to Italy. For the pope at that time, there was no room for hesitation. All church policy in the XII century turned out to be false, all the means used by Christians to hold the Holy Land were in vain. It was necessary to uphold both the honor of the church and the spirit of all Western Christianity. Despite any difficulties and obstacles, the pope took under his protection the idea of ​​raising the Third Crusade.

In the near future, several definitions were drawn up, with the aim of spreading the idea of ​​a crusade throughout all Western states. The cardinals, amazed by the events in the East, gave the pope the word to take part in raising the campaign and preaching it to go barefoot through Germany, France and England. The pope decided to use all church means to facilitate participation in the campaign, if possible, for all estates. For this, an order was made to stop internal wars, the sale of fiefs was made easier for the knights, the collection of debts was postponed, it was announced that any assistance in the liberation of the Christian East would be accompanied by absolution.

It is known that the Third campaign was carried out under circumstances more favorable than the first two. Three crowned persons took part in it - the German emperor Frederick I Barbarossa, the French king Philip II Augustus and the English king Richard the Lionheart. There was only a general guiding idea in the campaign. The movement of the crusaders to the Holy Land was directed in different ways, and the very goals of the leaders who participated in the campaign were far from being the same.

As a result, the history of the Third Campaign breaks up into separate episodes: the Anglo-French movement, the German movement, and the siege of Acre.

The essential question which for a long time prevented the French and English kings from reaching agreement on a campaign depended on the mutual relations of France and England in the twelfth century. The fact is that the Plantagenets, counts of Anjou and Maine, who received the English throne as a result of the marriage of one of them to the heiress of William the Conqueror, sat on the English throne. Every English king, while at the same time remaining Count of Anjou and Maine, Duke of Aquitaine and Guyenne attached here, had to give the French king a fief oath to these lands. By the time of the Third Campaign, the English king was Henry II Plantagenet, and the French king was Philip II Augustus. Both kings found it possible to harm one another due to the fact that their lands in France were adjacent. The English king had his two sons, John and Richard, as rulers of his French provinces. Philip made an alliance with them, armed them against their father, and more than once put Henry of England in a very difficult position. Richard was married to the sister of the French king, Alice, who then lived in England. A rumor spread that Henry II was having an affair with his son's fiancée; it is clear that this kind of rumor must have influenced Richard's disposition towards Henry II. The French king took advantage of this circumstance and began to fan the enmity between his son and father. He incited Richard, and the latter betrayed his father, having sworn an oath to the French king; this fact only contributed to the greater development of enmity between the French and English kings.

There was another circumstance that prevented both kings from giving possible first aid to the Eastern Christians. The French king, wanting to stock up on significant funds for the upcoming campaign, announced a special tax in his state under the name of Saladin's tithe. This tax extended to the possessions of the king himself, secular princes, and even to the clergy; no one, in view of the importance of the enterprise, was exempted from paying "Saladin's tithe". The imposition of tithes on the church, which never paid any taxes, and itself still enjoyed the collection of tithes, aroused discontent among the clergy, which began to put up a barrier to this measure and make it difficult for royal officials to collect Saladin's tithes. But nevertheless this measure was quite successfully carried out both in France and in England and gave a lot of money for the Third Crusade.

Meanwhile, during the collections, interrupted by war and internal uprisings, the English king Henry II died (1189), and the inheritance of the English crown passed into the hands of Richard, a friend of the French king. Now both kings could boldly and amicably begin to implement the ideas of the Third Crusade.

4. Performance of the English and French kings

In 1190, the kings set out on a campaign. The success of the Third Crusade was greatly influenced by the participation of the English king. Richard, a highly energetic, lively, irritable man, acting under the influence of passion, was far from the idea of ​​​​a general plan, he was looking primarily for chivalrous deeds and glory. In the very preparations for the campaign, his character traits were too clearly reflected. Richard surrounded himself with a brilliant retinue and knights, on his army, according to contemporaries, he spent in one day as much as other kings spent in a month. Going on a campaign, he translated everything into money; he either leased his possessions or mortgaged and sold them. Thus, he did indeed raise enormous funds; his army was well armed. It would seem that good money and a large armed army should have ensured the success of the enterprise.

Part of the English army set off from England on ships, while Richard himself crossed the English Channel to join the French king and direct his way through Italy. This movement began in the summer of 1190. Both kings intended to go together, but the large number of troops and the difficulties that arose in the delivery of food and fodder forced them to separate. The French king went ahead and in September 1190 arrived in Sicily and stopped at Messina, waiting for his ally. When the English king also arrived here, the movement of the allied army was delayed by the considerations that it was inconvenient to start a campaign in the autumn by sea; thus both armies spent the autumn and winter in Sicily until the spring of 1191.

The stay of the allied troops in Sicily was supposed to show both the kings themselves and the people around them the impossibility of joint actions aimed at the same goal. In Messina, Richard began a series of celebrations and holidays, and by his actions put himself in a difficult position in relation to the Normans. He wanted to dispose of as the sovereign ruler of the country, and the English knights allowed themselves violence and arbitrariness. It was not long before a movement broke out in the city, which threatened both kings; Philip barely had time to put out the uprising, being a reconciling mediator between the two hostile parties.

There was another circumstance that put Richard in a difficult position in relation to both the French and German kings, this was his claim to the Norman crown. The heiress of the Norman crown, daughter of Roger and aunt of William II, Constance, married the son of Frederick Barbarossa Henry VI, the future German emperor; thus the German emperors, by this marriage union, legitimized their claim to the Norman crown.

Meanwhile, Richard, upon his arrival in Sicily, declared his claims to the Norman possessions. In fact, he justified his right by the fact that Joanna, the daughter of the English king Henry II and the sister of Richard himself, was married to the deceased William II. The temporary usurper of the Norman crown, Tancred, held William's widow in honorary custody. Richard demanded that his sister be handed over to him and forced Tancred to give him a ransom for the fact that the English king left him the actual possession of the Norman crown. This fact, which aroused enmity between the English king and the German emperor, was of great importance for the whole subsequent fate of Richard.

All this clearly showed the French king that he would not be able to act on the same plan as the English king. Philip considered it impossible, in view of the critical state of affairs in the East, to remain further in Sicily and wait for the English king; in March 1191 he boarded ships and crossed over to Syria.

The main goal that the French king aspired to was the city of Ptolemais (French and German form - Accon, Russian - Acre). This city during the time from 1187-1191 was the main point on which the views and hopes of all Christians were concentrated. On the one hand, all the forces of Christians were sent to this city, on the other hand, Muslim hordes were drawn here. The entire Third campaign focused on the siege of this city; when the French king arrived here in the spring of 1191, it seemed that the French would give the main direction of affairs.

King Richard did not hide the fact that he did not want to act in concert with Philip, relations with whom became especially cool after the French king refused to marry his sister. Richard's fleet, which sailed from Sicily in April 1191, was taken by a storm, and the ship on which Richard's new bride, Princess Berengaria of Navarre, rode, was thrown onto the island of Cyprus.

The island of Cyprus was at that time in the power of Isaac Komnenos, who had seceded from the Byzantine emperor of the same name. Isaac Komnenos, the usurper of Cyprus, did not distinguish between friends and enemies of the emperor, but pursued his personal selfish interests; he declared his captive the bride of the English king. Thus, Richard had to start a war with Cyprus, which was unforeseen and unexpected for him and which required a lot of time and effort from him.

Having taken possession of the island, Richard chained Isaac Komnenos in silver chains; began a series of celebrations that accompanied the triumph of the English king. This was the first time that an English nation had acquired territorial possession in the Mediterranean. But it goes without saying that Richard could not count on a long possession of Cyprus, which was at such a great distance from Britain.

At the time when Richard was celebrating his victory in Cyprus, when he was arranging celebration after celebration, the titular king of Jerusalem, Guy de Lusignan, arrived in Cyprus; we call him a titular king because he was no longer actually the king of Jerusalem, he had no territorial possessions, but bore only the name of the king. Guy de Lusignan, who arrived in Cyprus to declare allegiance to the English king, increased the brilliance and influence of Richard, who gave him the island of Cyprus.

Prompted by Guy de Lusignan, Richard finally left Cyprus and arrived at Acre, where for two years, together with other Christian princes, he took part in a useless siege of the city. The very idea of ​​a siege of Acre was highly impractical and downright useless. In the hands of the Christians were also the coastal cities of Antioch, Tripoli and Tire, which could provide them with communication with the West. This idea of ​​a useless siege was inspired by the selfish feeling of such intriguers as Guy de Lusignan. He was envious that Antioch had its own prince, Tripoli had another, Conrad from the house of the dukes of Montferrat was in Tire, and he, the king of Jerusalem, had nothing but one name. This purely selfish goal explains his arrival to the English king on the island of Cyprus, where he generously lavished declarations of feelings of devotion to Richard and tried to win over the English king. The siege of Acre constitutes a fatal mistake on the part of the leaders of the Third Crusade; they fought, wasted time and energy over a small piece of land, in essence useless to anyone, completely useless, with which they wanted to reward Guy de Lusignan.

5. The beginning of the movement of Frederick Barbarossa

It was a great misfortune for the whole crusade that, together with the English and French king, the old tactician and clever politician Frederick Barbarossa could not take part in it. Having learned about the state of affairs in the East, Frederick I began to prepare for a crusade; but he started the business differently than the others. He sent embassies to the Byzantine emperor, to the Iconian sultan, and to Saladin himself. Favorable responses were received from everywhere, guaranteeing the success of the enterprise. If Frederick Barbarossa had participated in the siege of Acre, the error on the part of the Christians would have been eliminated by him. The fact is that Saladin had an excellent fleet, which brought him all the supplies from Egypt, and the troops went to him from the middle of Asia - from Mesopotamia; it goes without saying that under such conditions Saladin could successfully withstand the longest siege of the seaside city. That is why all the buildings of Western engineers, towers and battering rams, all the exertion of forces, tactics and mind of Western kings - everything went to dust, turned out to be untenable in the siege of Acre. Frederick Barbarossa would have brought the idea of ​​practice into the crusade and, in all likelihood, would have directed his forces where he should: the war would have to be waged inside Asia, weakening the forces of Saladin inside the country, where there was the very source of replenishment of his troops.

The crusade of Frederick Barbarossa was undertaken with all the precautions that ensured the least possible loss of strength on the way through the Byzantine possessions. Frederick concluded a preliminary agreement with the Byzantine emperor in Nuremberg, as a result of which he was given free passage through the imperial lands and provided with the delivery of food supplies at predetermined prices. There is no doubt that the new movement of the Latin West to the East worried the Byzantine government a lot; in view of the turbulent state of the Balkan Peninsula, Isaac Angel was interested in the exact observance of the agreement.

The crusaders had not yet set off on a campaign, when a secret report was received in Byzantium from Genoa about preparations for a campaign to the East. “I have already been informed of this,” Isaac wrote in response, “and took my own measures.” Thanking Baudouin Gvertso for this news, the emperor continues: “And for the future, have the joy of bringing to our attention what you learn and what is important for us to know.”

Needless to say, despite outward friendly relations, Isaac did not trust the sincerity of the crusaders, and this cannot be blamed on him. The Serbs and Bulgarians were not only at that time on their way to liberation from the power of Byzantium, but were already threatening the Byzantine provinces; Friedrich's undisguised relationship with them was in any case a violation of this fidelity, although the Nuremberg conditions were not provided for. For Byzantium, the intentions of Frederick were very well known to take possession of the Dalmatian coast and connect it with the lands of the Sicilian crown. Although Frederick allegedly rejected the proposals of the Slavs to safely lead him through Bulgaria and did not enter into an offensive alliance with them against Byzantium, it was quite natural for the Byzantines to doubt the purity of his intentions; moreover, it is hardly fair that the proposals of the Slavs were later rejected.

On May 24, 1189, Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa entered Hungary. Although King Bela III personally did not dare to participate in the crusade, he showed signs of sincere favor to Frederick. Not to mention the valuable gifts offered to the emperor, he equipped a detachment of 2 thousand people, which was of considerable benefit to the crusaders by their knowledge of local conditions and the choice of paths.

Five weeks later, the crusaders were already on the border of the possessions of the Byzantine emperor. Arriving in Branichev on July 2, they entered into direct relations with the emperor's officials for the first time, which at first seemed, however, satisfactory. From Branichev the best road to Constantinople went along the Morava valley to Nis, then to Sofia and Philippopolis. The Greeks, as it were, did not want to lead the Latins in this way and deliberately spoiled it; but people from the Ugric detachment, who knew the routes of communication well, persuaded the crusaders to insist on choosing this particular road, which they undertook to correct and make it passable against the wishes of the Greeks.

Noticing here, first of all, that the crusaders were on their way through lands that hardly belonged to Byzantium at that time. The current of the Morava, most likely, was already controversial between the Greeks and Serbs, in other words, there was then neither Byzantine nor any other administration. Gangs of robbers, at their own risk, attacked small groups of crusaders and without the instigation of the Byzantine government. On the other hand, it must be borne in mind that the crusaders themselves did not stand on ceremony with those who fell into their hands: at the fear of others, they subjected those captured with weapons in their hands to terrible tortures.

Around the 25th of July, the ambassadors of Stefan Nemanja came to Frederick, and upon arrival in Nis on the 27th, the emperor received the greatest župan of Serbia. Here, in Nis, negotiations were held with the Bulgarians. It is clear that there were no Byzantine authorities left in Nis, otherwise they would not have allowed Stefan Nemanya to have personal explanations with the German emperor, which, in any case, did not tilt in favor of Byzantium. And if the crusaders on the way from Branichev to Nis and then to Sofia were subjected to unexpected attacks and suffered losses in people and trains, then, in fairness, the Byzantine government should hardly be held responsible for this. One only needs to wonder why it never made a corresponding statement to Frederick I and did not draw his attention to the state of affairs on the peninsula.

Serbs and Bulgarians offered the crusaders essentially the same thing - an alliance against the Byzantine emperor, but in return they demanded the recognition of a new order on the Balkan Peninsula. Moreover, the Slavs were ready to recognize the protectorate of the Western emperor over themselves if he agreed to secure the conquests made by them at the expense of Byzantium and annex Dalmatia to the Serbs, and if Bulgaria was given to the Asenians in undisputed possession. In particular, the great župan of Serbia asked the consent of the emperor for the marriage of his son with the daughter of Duke Berthold, ruler of Dalmatia. Although it was no secret that this marriage project was connected with plans for the transfer of ownership rights over Dalmatia to the Nemanja house, Friedrich's consent was nonetheless obtained.

This circumstance, in conjunction with the new negotiations that took place between the German Emperor and the Slavic leaders, makes it possible to raise some doubts against Ansbert's testimony that Frederick's answer in Nis was definitely negative. With the real goal of the crusade, Frederick, perhaps out of caution and unwillingness to get involved in new complex relations, evaded a direct and decisive answer to the proposals of the Slavs. But we will see later that the Slavic question more than once made him think and hesitate. If Robert Guiscard, Bohemond or Roger had been in Frederick's place, events would have taken a completely different turn and the proposals of the Slavic princes would probably have been appreciated.

6. Frederick Barbarossa in Byzantine territory. Death of Friedrich

There is no reason not to trust the words of Nikita Acominatus, who accuses of short-sightedness and usual negligence of the then logothete Droma (John Doukas) and Andronicus Cantacuzenus, who were responsible for conducting the crusader militia. Mutual distrust and suspicion were fed not only by the fact that the crusaders sometimes did not receive supplies, but also by rumors that the most dangerous passage (the so-called Trajan's Gate), leading through the Balkan Mountains to Sofia to Philippopolis, was occupied by an armed detachment.

Of course, it is impossible not to see a violation of the Nuremberg Treaty in the measures that the Byzantine government took to delay the movement of the crusaders: damage to roads, blockade of passes and equipment of an observation detachment; but it tried to explain its precautions and expressed open dissatisfaction with Frederick's relations with the indignant Serbs and Bulgarians. So, when the crusaders were still near Nis, Alexei Guide appeared to them, who expressed a severe reprimand to the governor of Branichev and promised to arrange everything at the request of Frederick, if only he himself forbade the troops to rob the surrounding villages, adding that the Germans should not have any suspicions about the armed a detachment guarding the passes, for this is a precautionary measure against the Župan of Serbia.

As the crusaders advanced towards the main pass leading to the Philippopolis plain, the difficulties of the journey increased more and more for them. Small detachments disturbed them with unexpected attacks in the most dangerous places, as a result of which the crusader militia moved slowly and in battle order. The German embassy sent to Constantinople, according to rumors, was received in the most unworthy manner. The closer the crusaders came to Macedonia, the stronger their displeasure against the Greeks grew. For a month and a half they walked from Branichev to Sofia (Sredets); how strained relations were between the Greeks and Germans can be judged from the fact that when the latter reached Sofia on August 13, they found the city abandoned by the inhabitants; needless to say, there were no Byzantine officials here, nor the promised supplies.

On August 20, the crusaders made their way through the last pass, which was occupied by the Greek detachment; the latter, however, withdrew when the crusaders were about to clear the road in arms.

The crusaders approached Philippopolis as enemies of the empire, and from then until the end of October, individual leaders made attacks on cities and villages and behaved in Greek soil just like enemies. If it is impossible to justify the government of Isaac Angelos for distrust of the crusaders, then the actions of the latter cannot be called plausible. Not trusting the Greeks, Friedrich used the services of Ugric guides and a Serbian detachment. No matter how much the crusaders wanted to prove their case, one should not lose sight of the testimony of persons for whom there was no reason to hide the real state of affairs. Frederick did not break off relations with the Slavs, who served him throughout the passage through Bulgaria, although he could not help but know that this fueled the suspicion of Isaac Angel.

In the autumn of 1189, from the time the crusaders occupied Philippopolis, mutual irritation should have increased even more, since the Byzantine observation detachment repeatedly had clashes with the crusaders, and the latter occupied cities and villages with an armed hand. Nevertheless, even by the end of autumn the situation had not been clarified, meanwhile it was dangerous for Frederick to embark on a further journey through Asia Minor without securing accurate and faithful promises from the Greek emperor.

To clarify relations, a new embassy was sent to Constantinople, which was instructed to say something like the following: “In vain the Greek emperor does not allow us to go forward; never, now or before, have we plotted evil against the empire. To the Serbian prince, the enemy of the Greek emperor, who came to us in Nis, we never gave Bulgaria or any other land subject to the Greeks as a beneficiary, and with no king or prince did we plot anything against the Greek empire.

This second embassy managed to help out, however, not without great trouble, the first one, which had previously been sent to Constantinople. All ambassadors returned to Philippopolis on 28 October. The next day, in a solemn assembly of the leaders, the ambassadors reported on what they had experienced in Constantinople, and recounted all that they had seen and heard. “The Emperor not only treated us very badly, but without any hesitation received the ambassador from Saladin and made an alliance with him. And the patriarch, in his sermons, spoken on holidays, called the soldiers of Christ the dogs and inspired his listeners that the most evil criminal, accused of even ten murders, would receive permission from all sins if he killed a hundred crusaders.

The assembly listened to such a report before the ambassadors of the Byzantine emperor were brought in. It is not surprising that the negotiations could not be friendly; the Greek ambassadors refused to respond to the arrogant demands of the crusaders. How far the Greeks and crusaders could go in a sense of mutual irritation and suspicion, shows, by the way, the following case. A significant detachment of crusaders, having attacked Hradec, was struck by strange images found in churches and in private houses: the paintings depicted Latins with Greeks sitting on their backs. This embittered the crusaders so much that they set fire to both churches and houses, slaughtered the population and devastated the whole area without regret. Most likely, the Latins became furious when they looked at the pictures of the Last Judgment, in which local painters, for certain purposes, could also use Western types. In any case, the custom is excusable, if the hatred and intolerance of the Latins towards the Greeks had not already reached extreme limits.

The Byzantine government had every reason to believe that the Serbian prince was acting in alliance with Frederick, and it would be very difficult to prove that Frederick did not encourage Stefan Nemanja in his ambitious plans. At a time when the crusaders were already threatening the capital of the Greek Empire (Adrianople and Dimotika were in the hands of the crusaders), their rear, protected by Serbian troops, was completely safe, so they found it possible to transfer the Philippopolis garrison to Adrianople.

The chroniclers mention many times the ambassadors of the Serbian Great Župan and the relations between the crusaders and the Slavs. It is known that the most difficult thing was to satisfy the claims of Stefan Nemanya to Dalmatia - a circumstance that could involve Friedrich in unpleasant clashes with the Normans and Ugrians. It is not unimportant that every time Duke Berthold is nominated in negotiations with the Serbs, the same one whose daughter was promised for the son of Stefan Nemanja. In difficult times, when all hope of an agreement with the Byzantine emperor was lost, the help of the Slavs was a true blessing for the crusaders, which they could not neglect in the event of a final break with the Greeks. But since there were still some signs that the Greek emperor was also afraid of a break, the Slavic embassies were listened to, as usual, graciously, small detachments from the Serbs were accepted into the service, but Frederick was afraid to resort to decisive measures during the entire time of his stay on the Balkan Peninsula and the most petty facts and indications of this kind are very curious.

In early November, when the crusaders were approaching Adrianople, King Bela III demanded the return of his detachment, and on November 19 the Hungarians decisively declared that they could no longer remain with the crusaders. There is no need to look for other explanations for this act on the part of the Hungarian king, except for dissatisfaction with negotiations with the Slavs. It is clear that Frederick, once in Bulgaria, set out with new plans and that his relations with the Slavic leaders were not at all included in the considerations of the Hungarian king, who, of course, was on the side of Byzantium regarding the Slavic question. The report of the cleric Eberhard, the ambassador of Emperor Frederick to the Hungarian king, who returned, by the way, with a letter from the latter for Isaac, sheds light on the state of affairs at that time. The letter, however, did not contain anything important: in it, Bela exposed to Isaac what dangers his obstinacy with the crusaders could bring to the empire. But the ambassador could illustrate the contents of the letter with personal observations and give him a completely new explanation: “The king,” he said, “is very embarrassed and amazed at the victorious successes of the crusaders and the devastation they brought to the Greek land. When the news was received of the devastation of the Dimotiki region by the crusaders, the king completely changed in his treatment of the ambassador. Since then, he was no longer as kind and merciful as before: the ambassador did not receive any more fodder or pocket money from the royal chamber. Between other news, the same cleric Eberhard reported that, while traveling through Bulgaria, he found all the graves of the crusaders who died on the way dug up, and that the corpses were pulled out of the coffins and were lying on the ground.

By the beginning of 1190, the crusaders continued to exchange embassies with the Greek emperor, but they could not reach any agreement. Frederick, it seems, was seriously considering using the services of Peter, the leader of the Bulgarians, who offered to field 40,000 Bulgarians and Cumans by the spring, with which reinforcements it would be possible to make an attempt to pave the way to Asia Minor, and in addition to the consent of the Greeks. But the German emperor had for this not only to recognize the freedom of Bulgaria, but also to secure the imperial title for Peter.

Understanding the importance of the position and the responsibility for such a step, Frederick nevertheless did not refuse Peter's proposal and tried to preliminarily evaluate all the means that the Slavs could deliver to him. So, on January 21, 1190, on the one hand, he negotiated with the ambassadors of the Byzantine emperor, on the other hand, he inquired through the Duke of Dalmatia about the intentions and disposition of Stefan Nemanya. Many hopes could not be placed on the latter, since at that time he began to wage war on his own fear and was busy with enterprises on the border of Serbia and Bulgaria.

It is possible to explain to some extent the motives for which Frederick, even in January 1190, still hesitated to take on the task of resolving the Slavic question, which circumstances prompted him to do. For him, there was still hope, having eliminated the help of the Slavs, which was associated with unpleasant and difficult obligations, to receive help from Europe by the spring. In these considerations, he wrote to his son Heinrich: “Since I do not hope to make a crossing over the Bosphorus, unless I receive the most chosen and noble hostages from Emperor Isaac or subjugate all of Romania to my authority, then I ask your royal majesty to send deliberate ambassadors to Genoa, Venice , Antioch and Pisa and other places and send auxiliary detachments on ships so that, having arrived in time for Tsaregrad in the month of March, they began to lay siege to the city from the sea when we surround it from land. By mid-February, however, relations were settled: on February 14, in Adrianople, Frederick signed the terms on which the Byzantine emperor agreed to allow the crusaders to cross into Asia Minor.

The stay of Frederick I in Bulgaria, in any case, was not useless for the Bulgarians and Serbs. The former, encouraged by the German emperor, violated the peace that had previously been concluded with the Greeks, and although they were deceived in the hope of pushing the Greeks along with the Germans, they nevertheless took advantage of the confusion in Constantinople not without profit and, in the subsequent struggle against Byzantium, took decisive offensive actions. The Serbs, having at the same time considerably extended their possessions to the northeast of Morava and southwest to Sofia, came to realize the importance of simultaneous actions with the Bulgarians: they entered into an alliance with Peter and Asen and since then have been doing the same thing with them business.

No matter how evasive the promises of Frederick I were, he nevertheless did not interrupt negotiations with the Slavs and nourished in them a mood hostile to Byzantium. Let him not conclude either with the Bulgarians or with the Serbs an agreement that would oblige both of them to put up 60 thousand troops by the spring (from the Bulgarians 40 and from the Serbs 20 thousand); but the troops were gathered and, without the participation of the crusaders, they began to conquer cities and regions from Byzantium. The march of the crusaders was accompanied by all the consequences of the enemy invasion, causing new dissatisfaction with the Byzantine government in Bulgaria: fugitive, hungry, deprived of homes and prosperity, the settlers had to stick to the Bulgarian or Serbian leaders.

The crusaders' crossing of the Bosporus began on March 25, 1190. Frederick's path went through the western regions of Asia Minor, partly devastated due to wars with the Seljuks, partly occupied by these latter. The Turkic detachments disturbed the crusaders and forced them to be constantly on their guard. Christians in particular suffered from a lack of food and fodder for beasts of burden. In May, they approached Iconium, won a significant victory over the Seljuks and forced them to give provisions and hostages. But in Cilicia, the German army suffered a misfortune that ruined their entire enterprise. On June 9, when crossing the mountain river Salef, Friedrich was carried away by the stream and pulled out of the water lifeless.

The significance of Frederick was fully appreciated by Saladin and fearfully awaited his arrival in Syria. In fact, Germany seemed ready to correct all the mistakes of previous campaigns and restore the dignity of the German name in the East, when an unexpected blow destroyed all good hopes. Part of the German detachment refused to continue the campaign and returned by sea to Europe, part under the leadership of Duke Frederick of Swabia entered the Principality of Antioch, and then in the fall of 1190 the miserable remnants of the Germans joined the Christian army near Acre, where they did not have to play an important role.

7. Siege of Acre

From 1188 to 1191 the Christian princes came under the walls of Acre alone; there was not a single time when all the available forces of Christians coming from the West were concentrated here at the same time. Part of the Christians who arrived near Acre died under the blows of the Muslims, from disease and hunger; it was replaced by another detachment and in turn suffered the same fate. In addition, for Christians, there were a lot of other difficulties that weighed heavily on the course of the whole thing.

The Christians besieged the city from the sea - the only part of the city on which they could direct their siege weapons. The interior was occupied by the troops of Saladin, who communicated conveniently and easily with Mesopotamia, which served for him as a source of replenishment of his military forces. Thus the Christians came under Acre singly, exposing themselves to the blows of the Muslims, never joining their forces, while Saladin constantly renewed his troops with fresh influxes of Muslims from Mesopotamia. It is clear that the Christians were in very unfavorable conditions, Saladin could long and vigorously defend Acre. In addition, timber was needed for the siege of the city; which Christians could not get anywhere near - they had to get it from Italy.

In the war, the Italians, especially the coastal cities - Venice, Genoa and Pisa, whose trading interests in the East forced them to take a large part in the Crusades, alternately gained the upper hand, then the French, then the Germans, then the British - depending on what kind of people in was present in greater numbers.

This uncomfortable position was joined by the rivalry of the Eastern leaders. Guy de Lusignan was at enmity with Conrad of Montferrat. Their rivalry also divided the crusader camp into two hostile parties: the Italian peoples concentrated around the prince of Tyre, the British took the side of Guy. Thus, the case under Acre, not only in its purpose, but also in relation to the peoples participating in it, could not end in a favorable way for Christians. Inconveniences in the delivery of timber slowed down the enterprise, and untimely delivery, and sometimes a lack of food supplies, hunger and pestilence weakened the Christian army.

In the summer of 1191, the French and English kings came near Acre, on whom Eastern Christians had high hopes. In addition to these two kings, another crowned person came - the Duke of Austria Leopold V. Now it was to be expected that things would go in the right way, according to a certain plan. But, unfortunately, no such plan was worked out by the representatives of the Christian nations.

The personal relations of the French and English kings, the most important persons in terms of their military forces, became clear back in Messina: they parted, if not enemies, then not friends. When Richard took possession of Cyprus, the French king laid claim to part of the conquered island by virtue of an agreement concluded between them during the preparations for the campaign - an agreement by which both kings undertook to equally divide among themselves all the lands that they conquer in the East. Richard did not recognize the rights of the French king to Cyprus: "The agreement," he said, "only concerned the lands that would be conquered from the Muslims."

Under Acre, the misunderstandings of the two kings became more acute. Richard, while still in Cyprus, spoke out in favor of Guy de Lusignan; Philip Augustus took the side of Conrad of Montferrat, who may have won the sympathy of the French king for the heroic defense of Tyre, but perhaps in this case Philip was led by a personal dislike for Richard. Thus, neither the French nor the English king was able to combine their forces and act according to one plan.

The personal characters of the kings also separated them. Richard's chivalrous nature was highly sympathetic to Saladin; sympathy was immediately revealed between the Muslim ruler and the English king, they began to exchange embassies, show signs of attention to each other. This behavior of Richard had an unfavorable effect on his authority among Christians; the idea was established in the army that Richard was ready to change. Thus, in Richard, all his strength, all power and energy was paralyzed; at the same time, the French king did not have enough personal energy to transfer the main line of the siege to himself. Thus all the advantages, all favorable conditions were on the side of Saladin.

In July, Acre was brought to exhaustion and the garrison began negotiating surrender. Saladin was not averse to making peace, but too harsh conditions were proposed by the Christians: the Christians demanded the surrender of Acre, the Muslim garrison of the city would receive freedom only when Jerusalem and other areas conquered by Saladin were returned to the Christians; in addition, Saladin had to give 2,000 hostages from noble Muslims. Saladin apparently agreed to all these conditions. Christian princes, in view of the imminent surrender of the city, began to vigilantly ensure that provisions were not delivered to the city.

On July 12, 1191, Acre was surrendered to the Christians. The fulfillment of the preliminary conditions of peace soon met with an obstacle. Meanwhile, during the occupation of Acre, very serious misunderstandings took place among the Christians. The Duke of Austria Leopold V, having taken possession of one of the walls of the city, put up the Austrian banner: Richard I ordered to tear it down and replace it with his own; this was a strong insult to the entire German army; from that time on, Richard acquired an implacable enemy in the person of Leopold V.

In addition, the western princes put themselves in a difficult relationship with the native population of the city. During the occupation of Acre, it turned out that a significant part of the urban population consisted of Christians, who, under the rule of the Muslims, enjoyed various kinds of privileges. After the liberation of Acre from the Muslims, both the French and the British wanted to seize more power in the city and began to oppress the population; the kings did not care that other points of the agreement were executed by the Muslims. The French king reached the point of extreme irritation; Philip's dislike of Richard fanned rumors that the English king was plotting to sell the entire Christian army to the Muslims and was even preparing to encroach on Philip's life. Annoyed, Philip left Acre and went home.

It goes without saying that the untimely return of the French king caused a significant damage to the cause of the crusade. The main role remained with Richard, who, with his ardent knightly character, devoid of political instinct, was a weak rival to Saladin, an intelligent and cunning politician.

During the siege of Acre, the Bremen and Lübeck merchants, following the example of other military-religious orders that arose during the First Crusade, arranged a brotherhood at their own expense, which had the goal of helping the poor and sick Germans. Duke Friedrich of Swabia accepted this brotherhood under his protection and interceded in favor of his papal charter. This institution subsequently acquired a military character and is known under the name of the Teutonic Order.

8. Transfer to Ascalon

9. Battle of Arsuf

The crusader army under the command of Richard undertook a march south along the coast of Syria to the city of Arsuf. Coming out of the forest that served them as a cover, the Latins had to somehow cover a distance of 10 km in one day, which is a lot, given the fact that they were under constant enemy attacks. In an effort to protect his forces as much as possible from the "fire" of Muslim horse archers, Richard arranged them in a "box" formation. The knights and their horses were covered by a barrier of foot soldiers. Only riders of military orders were at risk. The Templars marched in the vanguard, while the Hospitallers had the role of closing in the column. Under the scorching heat and under the rain of arrows from Muslim mounted archers, the crusaders slowly advanced towards the goal. At some point, the hospitallers could not stand it - they were losing too many horses - and hit the pressing enemy. Richard managed to respond correctly to the changing situation in a timely manner, moved the rest of the forces into battle and completed the day with a victory over the enemy.

10. Attack on Jerusalem

The army of the crusaders continued on its way to Jerusalem. After crossing the desert, the crusaders felt exhausted. The goal was achieved, it remains to survive the Arabs from the city. A long siege exhausted the warriors and there were tiny results - part of the city was in their hands. Richard understood that they did not have enough strength and asked for a truce, but Saladin refused, he agreed to only one condition - the armies of the Europeans leave, and pilgrims are allowed to visit the Holy Sepulcher.

11. End of the hike

Philip, who arrived in France, began to take revenge on the English king in his French possessions. The English kingdom was then ruled by Richard's brother John (the future English king John the Landless), with whom Philip entered into a relationship. Philip's actions to harm Richard were in direct violation of the agreement they had made during the preparations for the crusade. According to this agreement, the French king, during the absence of the English king, did not have the right to attack his possessions and could declare war on him only 40 days after Richard returned from the campaign. Needless to say, Philip's breach of treaty and his encroachment on Richard's French dominions must have had a detrimental effect on the spirit of the English king.

Richard, remaining in Acre, expected Saladin to fulfill the remaining points of the peace treaty. Saladin refused to recapture Jerusalem, did not release the captives, and did not pay the military costs. Then Richard took one step which frightened all Muslims and which must be considered the most characteristic of the sad fame that Richard acquired in the East. Richard ordered to kill up to 2 thousand noble Muslims who were in his hands as hostages. Such facts were an unusual phenomenon in the East and caused only bitterness on the part of Saladin. Saladin was not slow to respond in kind.

Richard did not take any decisive and correct action against Saladin, but limited himself to small attacks. These raids for the purpose of robbery characterize, it is true, the time of chivalry, but in addition to the head of the crusader militia, which represents the interests of all Christian Europe, they denounced only the inability to get down to business. Since Saladin sacrificed Acre, the Christians should not have allowed him to fortify elsewhere, but should have immediately marched on Jerusalem. But Guido Lusignan, that nominal king without a kingdom, whose enmity towards Conrad of Montferrat can only be explained by envy, urged Richard to clear the coastal strip of Muslims first of all; Guido Lusignan was also supported by the Venetians, who pursued commercial goals: it was more convenient for them that the coastal cities were owned by Christians, and not by Muslims. Richard, succumbing to this influence, moved from Acre to Ascalon - an enterprise completely useless, which was inspired by the commercial interests of the Italian cities and the ambition of Guido.

Saladin himself did not expect such a senseless move on the part of Richard; he decided on an emergency remedy; ordered to tear down the strong walls of Ascalon and turn the city itself into a pile of stones. Throughout the autumn of 1191 and the spring of 1192, Richard stood at the head of the crusader militia. All this time he lost in the pursuit of false plans and unnecessary tasks and made it clear to his talented opponent that he was dealing with a very short-sighted person. More than once, the task seemed quite clear to Richard - to go straight to Jerusalem; his army itself was aware that it had not yet fulfilled its task and urged the king to do the same. Three times he was already on his way to Jerusalem, three times wild ideas forced him to stop the march and move back.

By the beginning of 1192, news from France had come to Asia, which had a strong effect on Richard. At the same time, a fact was taking place in the East which made Richard apprehensive about the outcome of the undertaking. Conrad of Montferrat understood that with Richard's tactlessness, the Christians would hardly be able to defeat Saladin, began negotiations with the latter, spoke out Tire and Acre from him and promised to unite with him and destroy Richard with one blow.

Then Richard, placed in the highest degree of embarrassment by affairs in the East, and worrying about his English possessions, which were threatened by the French king, used all means to enter into relations with Saladin. In dreamy self-deception, he drew up a completely unworkable plan. He invited Saladin to connect with him by ties of kinship: offering to marry his sister Joanna to Saladin's brother Malek-Adel. The idea is dreamy in the highest degree and cannot satisfy anyone. Even if such a marriage could take place, it would not satisfy Christians; the lands sacred to them would still remain in the hands of the Muslims.

Finally, Richard, who, by staying longer in Asia, risked losing his crown, concluded a treaty with Saladin on September 1, 1192. This world, shameful for the honor of Richard, left behind the Christians a small coastal strip from Jaffa to Tire, Jerusalem remained in the power of the Muslims, the Holy Cross was not returned. Saladin gave the Christians peace for three years. At this time, they could freely come to worship holy places. Three years later, the Christians were obliged to enter into new agreements with Saladin, which, of course, were supposed to be worse than the previous ones. This inglorious world was a heavy accusation against Richard. Contemporaries even suspected him of treason and betrayal; Muslims reproached him for excessive cruelty.

In October 1192, Richard I left Syria. For him, however, returning to Europe presented considerable difficulties, since he had enemies everywhere. After much hesitation, he decided to land in Italy, from where he planned to make his way to England. But in Europe, he was guarded by all the enemies, whom he had made a lot of. Near Vienna in the Duchy of Austria, he was recognized, captured and imprisoned by Duke Leopold V, where he was kept for about two years. Only under the influence of the pope and the strong excitement of the English nation, he received freedom. For his freedom, England paid Leopold V up to 23 tons of silver.

12. The Third Crusade in Culture

    The film "Kingdom of Heaven" by Ridley Scott tells about the events that preceded the third crusade (with some historical distortions).

    The action of the computer game Assassin's Creed takes place during the Third Crusade.

13. Sources

    When writing this article, materials from the book were used: Uspensky F.I. "History of the Crusades", St. Petersburg, 1900-1901

Crusades as a military-religious phenomenon arose during the reign of Pope Gregory the Seventh and were aimed at liberation from the "infidels" of Palestine and Jerusalem, where the Holy Sepulcher was located, as well as the spread of Christianity by military means among pagans, Muslims, residents of Orthodox states and heretical movements . In subsequent centuries, the crusades were carried out mainly for the sake of Christianizing the population of the Baltic states, suppressing heretical manifestations in a number of European countries, or to solve some personal problems of those who headed the throne in the Vatican.

There were nine military campaigns in total. What the main participants of the Third were striving for approximately reflects their claims in a particular campaign in general terms as follows:

Who went on the crusades?

The rank-and-file participants of the Third Crusade did not differ much in composition from the contingent that had taken part in similar actions earlier. For example, numerous French nobles of that time took part in the first campaign, who, with their squads and the monks and townsfolk who adjoined them (there were even children who were ready to go to the "infidels" in the name of the forgiveness of all sins promised by the pope) came to Constantinople in various ways and to In 1097 they crossed the Bosporus.

Three hundred thousand crusaders participated in one of the campaigns

The total number of crusaders reached about a third of a million people. Two years later, they reached Jerusalem with fighting, massacring a significant part of the Muslim population living here. Then the knights with their troops waged wars both with Muslims and with the Greeks, Byzantines, etc. They founded several Christian states on the territory of Lebanon, which controlled trade between Europe, China and India until new routes to Asian countries were opened. lands through Eastern Russia. They also tried to control trade through the Russian lands with the help of the crusaders, so the supporters of this military-religious movement remained in the Baltic states for the longest time.

Ancient Edessa as a pretext for war

The participants of the Third Crusade (1147-1149) were actually involved in the second. This event also began with the arrival of the German King Conrad with his troops in Constantinople in 1147. The prerequisites for the second wave of hostilities on the Holy Land were the fact that the Muslim civilization became more active and began to return to the lands recaptured from it earlier. In particular, Edessa was captured, King Fulk died in Jerusalem, who also had possessions in France, and his daughter could not provide adequate protection of interests due to the rebellion of the vassals.

Saint Bernard blessed the Germans and the French for the campaign

Participants in the third crusade (actually the second, in the middle of the 12th century) were preparing for more than one year. It was assumed that Eugene the Third would actively advocate for him, who, however, was weakened as an authority by democratic movements in Italy (under the leadership of Arnold of Brescia) at that time. The French ruler, a knight in spirit, also underwent some hesitation, until the Pope blessed him on the campaign in the person of St. Bernard, who delivered a sermon on the need to liberate the Holy Sepulcher in 1146, inspiring the population of central and southern France. Participants of the 3rd crusade (historians consider it the second) left France with a total number of about 70 thousand people, who were joined by the same number of pilgrims along the way. A year later, St. Bernard caused the same wave among the German population when he came to visit King Conrad.

Having crossed the Bosporus, the Germans of King Conrad encountered such resistance from the Seljuks that they could not go inland and, in the end, returned to their homeland (including Konrad and King Ludwig the Seventh). The French, on the other hand, went along the coast of Asia Minor, and the most noble of them sailed to Syria in 1148. almost all of them died during the transition. Edessa, recaptured by the crusaders from the "infidels", was again recaptured by the Muslims, Nur ad Din seized the lands near Antioch, the Kurds, led by Shirku, captured Egypt, in which the famous Saladin later reigned, subjugating also Muslim Syria, Damascus and part of Mesopotamia.

Aggravation of relations in the East after the death of Baldwin the Fourth

In those years, Baldwin the Fourth, who was seriously ill with leprosy, ruled in Jerusalem, who was a good diplomat and successfully maintained neutrality between Jerusalem and Damascus. However, after his death, a certain Guy de Lusignan married Baldwin's sister, proclaimed himself king of Jerusalem and began to provoke Saladin into hostilities, in which the latter more than succeeded, having won almost all the lands from the crusaders.

The military successes of Saladin led to the fact that potential participants in the third crusade appeared in Europe, who wanted to take revenge on him. The new military operation in the east, with the blessing of the Pope, was led by Frederick Barbarossa, King Philip Augustus II (French) and Richard the Lionheart - the king of England at that time. It is worth noting that Philip and Richard clearly did not like each other. This was due to the fact that Philip was a master of intrigue (including with Richard's brother, John Landless, who led England in the absence of the main ruler), which did not distinguish his English opponent. The latter, however, endured a lot, not using the military force of his state.

Frederick Barbarossa was a cautious military leader

Such relations were between the heads of state - participants in the Third Crusade. Frederick the First, as some historians believe, was far from such squabbles and prepared very carefully for his enterprise in the East. There is some evidence that before the campaign he negotiated with Byzantium, and with the Iconian sultan, and, possibly, with Sultan Saladin himself. Under an agreement with the Byzantine emperor, participants in the 3rd crusade received free passage through the lands and the supply of provisions at predetermined prices. The Hungarian king Bela, who did not participate in the campaign, led the army of Barbarossa through his territory in the best way. But on the way, gangs of robbers began to attack the Germans. The number of crusaders began to include local residents, dissatisfied with their rulers, which increased the number of military clashes.

What difficulties did the German participants in the Third Crusade face? Frederick 1 did not take into account that after crossing the Bosporus in March 1190, his already exhausted troops would have to go through Asia Minor, previously devastated by wars with the Seljuks, where they would experience problems with pack animals and provisions. The king of Germany won a major victory at Iconium, but in Cilicia, while crossing the mountain river Salef, Frederick choked and died. This ruined the success of the entire enterprise, since part of the crusaders was forced to return to Europe by sea, and the part that reached Agra (the main goal of the campaign) under the leadership of the Duke of Swabia participated in the battles along with the rest of the Christians.

Richard and Philip went by sea

Other high-ranking members of the Third Crusade (1189-1192) arrived to lay siege to Agra with their troops in the spring of 1190. Along the way, Richard managed to capture Cyprus. But Agra, mainly because of the contradictions between Richard and Philip, held out until the summer of 1191, almost two years. Part of the French knights then sailed home under the guidance of their king. But some, like Henry of Champagne, Hugh of Burgundy and others, remained to fight in Syria, where they defeated Saladin at Arsuf, but could not return Jerusalem. In September 1192, participants in the Third Crusade signed a peace treaty with the Sultan, according to which Christians could only visit the Holy City. Richard the Lionheart then returned to his homeland. Approximately in the same period, the Teutonic brotherhood appeared, which was obtained by transforming the German hospital fraternity of St. Mary, organized during the invasion of the East.

Results of the Crusades

What results did the participating states of the Third Crusade have? The table shows that the Europeans and the peoples of the East, rather, lost more from these historical events. But it is worth noting that the Crusades as a result not only had the death of a large number of people, the weakening of medieval forms of government, but also contributed to the rapprochement of classes, various nationalities and peoples, contributed to the development of navigation and trade, the spread of Christianity, the mutual penetration of the cultural values ​​of the East and the West.

The third crusade(1189 - 1192) was initiated by the Roman popes Gregory VIII and (after the death of Gregory VIII) Clement III.
In this crusade holy land Four of the most powerful European monarchs took part - the German Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa, the French King Philip II Augustus, the Austrian Duke Leopold V and the English King Richard I the Lionheart.
The position of Christian states on holy land after Second crusade remained in the same condition in which it was before 1147.
In the Christian states of Palestine themselves, internal decay is noticed, which is used by the neighboring Muslim rulers. The licentiousness of morals in the principalities of Antioch and Jerusalem is revealed especially sharply after the end of Second crusade .
In the early 80s of the XII century in the Kingdom of Jerusalem on holy land 40,000-50,000 people lived, of which no more than 12,000 were Latins (Christians with Western European roots). The rest were the indigenous inhabitants of this country: "Eastern" Christians, Muslims, Jews, Samaritans. 5

On the holy land the power and influence of the military-monastic orders (Templars and Hospitallers) increased, at their disposal was the vast majority of Christian castles and fortresses, which only they could effectively protect.
Theoretically, the defense of the Kingdom of Jerusalem was the duty of all Western European Christianity, but in reality, after the failure Second crusade in 1148, the Latin states had to rely only on their own strength. Their rulers needed a large number of professional warriors and financial support, and not alien hordes of warlike crusaders, which were removed home, agitating the Muslim world. 5

While Palestine gradually passed into the hands of Nuredin, in the north, the claims of the Byzantine king Manuel I Komnenos increased, who did not lose sight of the centuries-old Byzantine policy and used all measures to reward himself at the expense of the weakened Christian principalities.
Knight in his soul, a man of the highest energy, who loves glory, Tsar Manuel was ready to carry out the policy of restoring the Roman Empire within its old boundaries. He repeatedly undertook campaigns to the East, which were very successful for him.
His policy tended to gradually unite the Principality of Antioch with Byzantium. This is seen, among other things, from the fact that after the death of his first wife, the sister of King Conrad III, Manuel marries one of the princesses of Antioch. The relations that flowed from this were to eventually bring Antioch under the rule of Byzantium. 4
Thus, both in the south, due to the successes of the Muslims, and in the north, due to the claims of the Byzantine king, the Christian principalities holy land in the second half of the twelfth century, a close end threatened.
The self-confidence of the military elite of the Latin states was still fed by the experience of easy victories First crusade, which, on the one hand, had a positive effect on the morale of Christians, but on the other hand, became one of the main reasons for the military catastrophe that broke out soon.
After power over Egypt passed to Saladin, the Islamic rulers began a targeted struggle against the "Franks" (as all Europeans living in the Middle East were called here).
An important change in the Middle East was the revival of the concept of "jihad" (jihad), "war with the infidels", long dormant, but again called to life by Sunni Muslim theologians of the 12th century. "Jihad" has become an organized campaign to reconquer holy land, as well as crusade set out to conquer it.
Muslims, however, did not seek to convert an enemy with the sword, as Islam never approved of forced conversion. Nevertheless, the 12th century was a time of toughening of the religious position of Islam, greater intolerance and increased pressure on local Eastern Christians. The same principles were applied by Sunni Muslims to the Muslim minority, the Shiites. 5
Saladin was a wise tactician and politician. He was aware of the strength of his enemies, as he was aware of his own weaknesses. were strong when they stood together, but as there were endless struggles for power between them, Saladin managed to win over some of the barons to his side, and then began to set them against each other.
Little by little he plunged the states crusaders into complete isolation, uniting first with the Seljuks, and then with Byzantium. It was in his hands that crusaders don't get along with each other.
The then king of Jerusalem, Baldwin IV, was a weak and sick ruler, he suffered from leprosy, that is, leprosy, which is very common in the East.
The military threat was growing, but the terms of the truce between Christians and Muslims had not yet expired. In 1184-1185. crusaders sent envoys to Europe to explain the seriousness of the situation there. In the West, they have already begun to raise money, but until the Muslims used weapons, there were no calls for a new crusade on the holy land.
In the spring of 1187, before the end of the truce, one of the Frankish barons Renaud of Châtillon (Reynald de Châtillon) treacherously attacked a Muslim caravan carrying goods from Damascus to Egypt. He had previously robbed Muslim pilgrims going to Mecca and ravaged port cities on the Red Sea. And since Renault did not want to make amends, Saladin declared war.

Prior to the significant loss of territory that followed the Battle of Hattin, the Kingdom of Jerusalem had a fairly significant army. According to the registers of the times of King Baudouin IV, the feudal militia of the kingdom numbered 675 knights and 5025 sergeants, not counting the turcopoles and mercenaries.
In total, the kingdom could field over 1000 knights, including contingents sent from the county of Tripoli (200 knights) and the Principality of Antioch (700 knights). A certain number of knights could always be recruited from among those who arrived in holy land pilgrims.
In addition, the Templars kept in holy land a permanent order contingent of over 300 knights and several hundred sergeants and turkopols. Also, the Hospitallers, who, back in 1168, promised to give 500 knights and 500 turcopoles to help the king invade Egypt (although it remains unclear where they could gather such forces, since their order contingent in the Middle East also consisted of no more than 300 knight brothers) . The number of troops could also be increased by the local native militia. 5
Saladin bet on a full-scale battle before the Christians get out of the waterless plateau and reach Lake Tiberias. The proposed site of the battle, of course, had already been inspected by Saladin's scouts. His plan of action was quite simple: the enemy should not reach the water, the infantry should be separated from the cavalry, and both parts of the troops should be completely destroyed.
Further events proceeded almost in full accordance with the plans of Saladin, except for the fact that a significantly larger number of Christians escaped from the battlefield than he expected. 5
On July 3 (4), 1187, a fierce battle broke out near the village of Hattin (Khyttin) (the Battle of Hattin or the Battle of Tiberias) between crusaders and Muslims. The Muslim army of Saladin outnumbered the forces of the Christians.
The Christian army left the camp in the usual order: the cavalry was covered by infantry ranks, as well as archers and crossbowmen, ready to push back the presumptuous Muslims with counterattacks.
The first attacks of Saladin's army were repulsed by her, but many horses were lost. But, more importantly, the Christian infantry faltered and began to leave their formations in large numbers and retreat in an easterly direction. Muslim sources claim that the thirsty foot soldiers fled towards the Lake of Tiberias, despite the fact that it was much further than the source in Hattin, and therefore it was not necessary to make such a long journey to get drunk. Christian chroniclers explain this movement of the masses Crusader infantry by her desire to find refuge from the enemy on the Horns of Hattin.
The morale of the foot soldiers was so depressed that they only stared blankly at the battle, which the Christian cavalry continued to fight around the three pitched tents at the foot of the Horns. Despite repeated orders from King Guido and exhortations from the bishops to protect the Holy Cross, they stubbornly refused to go down, replying: "We will not go down and fight, because we are dying of thirst." 5
Meanwhile, the unprotected horses knights-crusaders were struck by enemy arrows, and already most of knights fought on foot.
It remains unknown when the Holy Cross was captured by the Saracens, but the fact that this was done by the warriors of Taqi ad-Din is beyond doubt. Some sources indicate that Taqi ad-Din launched a powerful attack on the Christians after he allowed Count Raymond to break through the line of Muslim troops. During this attack, the bishop of Acre holding the Cross was killed, but before the holy relic fell into the hands of Taqi ad-Din, it was intercepted by the bishop of Lydda.
Other sources believe that after the death of the Bishop of Acre, the Bishop of Lydda moved the shrine to the southern Horn, where it was eventually captured during one of the last attacks carried out by the troops of Taqi al-Din. However, whenever this happened, with the loss of the relic, the spirit of the Christian troops was finally crushed. 5
At the Battle of Hattin crusaders suffered a crushing defeat. Countless of them were killed in battle, and the survivors were taken prisoner.
Among the captured Christians were King Guido de Lusignan, his brothers Geoffroy de Lusignan and constable Amalrich (Amory) de Lusignan, Margrave Guillelmo de Montferrat, Reynald de Châtillon, Humphred de Toron, Master of the Knights Templar Gerard de Ridefort, Master of the Order of Hospitallers Garnes ( Gardner) de Naplus (apparently temporarily head of the Order after the death of Roger de Moulin until the election of a new master, Garnier himself officially took this post only three years later, in 1190), Bishop of Lydda, many other barons, as well as Renaud of Châtillon.
Even before the battle, Saladin swore to cut off the head of this violator of the truce with his own hand. So, apparently, it happened. 2
All captured Turkopols, as having betrayed the Muslim faith, were executed right on the battlefield. The rest of the captives arrived in Damascus on July 6, where Saladin made a decision that left a bloody stain on his vaunted humanity.
All captured Templars and Hospitallers were given the choice of either converting to Islam or
die.
Conversion on pain of death was contrary to Muslim law, but in this case, the knights of the spiritual orders seemed to Saladin to be something like Christian assassins and thus too dangerous to be pardoned.
Therefore, 250 knights who refused to convert to Islam were slaughtered. Only a few warrior-monks committed an act of apostasy...
The remaining barons and knights were released for ransom, and most crusaders of humble origin and foot soldiers were sold into slavery.
The battle of Hattin was won as a result of the tactical superiority of the Muslim side, since Saladin forced his opponent to fight in a favorable place, at a favorable time and in favorable conditions for him. 5
The defeat at the Battle of Hattin had fatal consequences for the states crusaders. They no longer had a combat-ready army, and Saladin was now able to operate freely in Palestine.
According to an Arab chronicler, he captured 52 cities and fortresses.
On July 10, 1187, the important port of Akkon was taken by Saladin's troops, Ascalon fell on September 4, and two weeks later the siege of Jerusalem began, which surrendered in early October.
In contrast crusaders Saladin did not massacre the conquered city and let the Christians out of it for a ransom. As ransom, Saladin took 10 gold dinars for a man, 5 gold dinars for a woman, and 1 gold dinars for a child.
Those who did not pay the ransom were enslaved by Saladin. So don't a hundred years have passed since crusaders captured Jerusalem, and it was already lost by them. This testified, first of all, to the hatred that crusaders inspired in the East. 6
Muslim warriors again took possession of their shrine - the al-Aqsa mosque. Saladin's triumph was boundless. Even such impregnable fortresses as Krak and Krak-de-Montreal could not withstand the onslaught of the Muslims.
In Krak, the French even traded their wives and children for food in the end, but this did not help them either. Only a few powerful fortresses in the north remained in the hands of Christians: Krak-de-Chevalier, Châtel Blanc and Margat...
In order to save the remaining territories on holy land and recapture Jerusalem, the third, most famous crusade .
It was necessary to uphold both the honor of the church and the spirit of all Western Christianity. Despite any difficulties and obstacles, the pope took under his protection the idea of ​​raising the Third crusade. In the near future, several definitions were drawn up, with the aim of spreading the idea of crusade in all Western countries.
Cardinals stricken by events on holy land, gave the Pope the word to take part in raising the campaign and preaching it, to walk barefoot through Germany, France and England. The pope decided to use all church means to facilitate participation in the campaign, if possible, for all estates. For this, an order was made to stop internal wars, knights the sale of fiefs was facilitated, the collection of debts was postponed, it was announced that any assistance in the liberation of the Christian East would be accompanied by the remission of sins. 2
Mandatory tax directly related to the Third crusade, was the famous Saladin's tithe (1188). This tax was also introduced in France and England, and it was distinguished by the fact that it was much higher than the previous ones, namely, one tenth of the annual income and movable property of all subjects, both laymen and clerics and monks. Didn't pay tax crusaders who received a tithe from each of their vassals who did not go on a campaign.
Saladin's tithe brought a colossal income - one of the chroniclers writes that 70,000 pounds were collected in England alone, although he may be exaggerating. In France, the introduction of this tax met with resistance, which prevented Philip II from receiving an equally significant amount. Moreover, Philip even had to promise that neither he nor his successors would again impose such a tax on their subjects, and, apparently, they kept this promise. 7
And yet funds for the third crusade collected quite a few...
In the spring of 1188, the German emperor Frederick I Barbarossa decided to participate in the Third crusade to the Holy Land.
There were not enough ships, so it was decided not to go by sea. Most of the army moved on land, despite the fact that this path was not easy. Treaties were previously concluded with the Balkan states to ensure crusaders unhindered passage through their territories. This greatly annoyed the Byzantine emperor.
On May 11, 1189, the army left Regensburg, it was huge, up to 100,000 people, although this figure may be overestimated. It was headed by the 67-year-old Emperor Frederick I.
And Frederick's son Heinrich sailed with the Italian fleet, which was supposed to help crusaders cross the Dardanelles to Asia Minor.
In Anatolia crusaders entered the lands of the Seljuks. Before that, they concluded an agreement with the Turkish ruler of Konya on free passage through his lands. But in the meantime, the Sultan of Konya was overthrown by his own son, and the former treaty was no longer valid.
Due to Seljuk attacks and unbearable heat crusaders moved forward very slowly. Among them, epidemic diseases began.
The significance of Frederick I Barbarossa was fully appreciated by Saladin and fearfully awaited his arrival in Syria. In fact, Germany seemed ready to correct all the mistakes of the previous crusades and restore the dignity of the German name in the East, as an unexpected blow destroyed all good hopes ...
On June 10, 1190, Emperor Barbarossa drowned while crossing the mountain river Salef. His death was a heavy blow to the German crusaders.
Special confidence in Frederick, the eldest son of Barbarossa, among the German crusaders was not, but because many turned back. Only a small number of faithful knights continued its journey under the leadership of Duke Frederick. On October 7, they approached Akkon (Acre) and laid siege to it. 2
In the winter of 1190-1191. famine began to rage in the besieged city ...


For the success of the third crusade the participation of the English king Richard I the Lionheart had a great influence. Richard, a highly energetic, lively, irritable man, acting under the influence of passion, was far from the idea of ​​​​a general plan, he was looking primarily chivalrous deeds and glory. In the very preparations for the campaign, his character traits were too clearly reflected.
Richard surrounded himself with a brilliant retinue and knights, on his army, according to contemporaries, he spent in one day as much as other kings spent in a month. Going on a campaign, he translated everything into money; he either leased his possessions or mortgaged and sold them. Thus, he did indeed raise enormous funds; his Crusader The army was well armed. It would seem that good money and a large armed army should have ensured the success of the enterprise ...
Part of the English army set off from England on ships, while Richard himself crossed the English Channel to connect with the French king Philip II Augustus and direct his way through Italy. This movement began in the summer of 1190.
Both kings intended to go together, but the large number of troops and the difficulties that arose in the delivery of food and fodder forced them to separate.
The French king went ahead and in September 1190 arrived in Sicily and stopped at Messina, waiting for his ally. When the English king also arrived here, the movement of the allied army was delayed by the considerations that it was inconvenient to start a campaign in the autumn by sea; thus both armies spent the autumn and winter in Sicily until the spring of 1191. 2
Meanwhile, Richard, upon his arrival in Sicily, declared his claims to the Norman possessions. In fact, he justified his right by the fact that Joanna, the daughter of the English king Henry II and the sister of Richard himself, was married to the deceased William II. The temporary usurper of the Norman crown, Tancred, held William's widow in honorary custody.
Richard demanded that his sister be handed over to him and forced Tancred to give him a ransom for the fact that the English king left him the actual possession of the Norman crown. This fact, which aroused enmity between the English king and the German emperor, was of great importance for all that followed.
All this clearly showed the French king that he would not be able to act on the same plan as the English king. Philip considered it impossible, in view of the critical state of affairs in the East, to remain further in Sicily; in March 1191 he boarded ships and crossed over to Syria.
The main goal that the French king aspired to was the city of Ptolemais (French and German form - Accon, Russian - Acre). This city during the time from 1187-1191 was the main point on which the views and hopes of all Christians were concentrated. On the one hand, all the forces of Christians were sent to this city, on the other hand, Muslim hordes were drawn here.
All Third crusade concentrated on the siege of this city; when the French king arrived here in the spring of 1191, it seemed that the French would give the main direction of affairs.
King Richard did not hide the fact that he did not want to act in concert with Philip, relations with whom became especially cool after the French king refused to marry his sister.
The fleet>, which sailed from Sicily in April 1191, was captured by a storm, and the ship on which the new bride was going,> Princess Berengaria of Navarre, was thrown onto the island of Cyprus.
The island of Cyprus was at that time in the power of Isaac Komnenos, who had seceded from the Byzantine emperor of the same name. Isaac Komnenos, the usurper of Cyprus, did not distinguish between friends and enemies of the emperor, but pursued his personal selfish interests; he declared his captive the bride of the English king. Thus, Richard had to start a war with Cyprus, which was unforeseen and unexpected for him and which required a lot of time and effort from him.
Having taken possession of the island, Richard chained Isaac Komnenos in silver chains; began a series of celebrations that accompanied the triumph of the English king: for the first time, the British acquired territorial possession in the Mediterranean. But it goes without saying that Richard could not count on a long possession of Cyprus, which was at such a great distance from Britain.
At the time when Richard was celebrating his victory in Cyprus, when he was arranging celebration after celebration, Guy de Lusignan, the titular king of Jerusalem, arrived in Cyprus; we call him a titular king because he was no longer actually the king of Jerusalem, he had no territorial possessions, but bore only the name of the king. Guy de Lusignan, who arrived in Cyprus to declare signs of devotion to the English king, increased his brilliance and influence>, who presented (according to other sources - sold) the island of Cyprus to him.
In April 1191, to Akkon (Acre), besieged by the German crusaders, the French fleet arrived in time, followed by the English.
After the arrival of Richard I the Lionheart (June 8) all crusaders tacitly acknowledged his leadership. He drove off the army of Salah ad-Din, who was marching to the rescue of the besieged, after which he led the siege so energetically that the Muslim garrison capitulated. 6
Saladin did his best to avoid a predetermined ransom, and then the English king Richard I the Lionheart did not hesitate to order the killing of 2,700 captive Muslims. Saladin had to ask for a truce...
During the occupation of Acre, a very unpleasant incident took place among the Christians. The Duke of Austria Leopold V, having taken possession of one of the walls of the city, put up the Austrian banner: Richard I> ordered to tear it down and replace it with his own; this was a strong insult to the entire German army; from that time on, Richard acquired an implacable enemy in the person of Leopold V.
The French king reached the point of extreme irritation; Philip's dislike of Richard fanned rumors that the English king was plotting to sell the entire Christian army to the Muslims and was even preparing to encroach on Philip's life. Annoyed, Philip left Acre and went home...
withdrew to the south and headed through Jaffa towards Jerusalem. The Kingdom of Jerusalem was restored, although Jerusalem itself remained in Muslim hands. The capital of the kingdom was now Akkon. Power crusaders It was limited mainly to a strip of coast that began just north of Tire and stretched to Jaffa, and in the east did not even reach the Jordan River.
Since Philip II had previously returned to France, the army > reigned unity, and his further actions against Saladin, as well as the respect that these two warriors had for each other, constituted the most famous episode in history. crusades on the holy land. 1
After a skillfully prepared throw along the coast (one of his flanks was protected by the sea), Richarddal fought and defeated Saladin at Arsuf (1191).
In general, this clash served as the apotheosis of a two-week confrontation between the Turks and crusaders, who on August 24 marched south from the recently liberated Acre. The main goal of the campaign of the Franks was Jerusalem, the road to which lay from the coast from Jaffa.
Almost immediately, the rearguard, which consisted of French knights Duke Hugh of Burgundy, was attacked by the Muslims, mixed up and surrounded by them, but Richard managed to rescue the tail of the column.
As a result, in the most dangerous areas - in the vanguard and in the rearguard - he placed the brothers-knights of the military-monastic orders - the Templars and the Hospitallers. Bound by strict rules and disciplined far more than their secular counterparts, the armored monks were more suited to such tasks than others.
Although crusaders in general, and Richard in particular, are associated in the popular mind with the cavalry, the king understood the vital importance of the infantry. Holding shields in their hands, dressed over chain mail in thick felt robes, spearmen covered the small knights and especially their horses on the march, and archers and crossbowmen compensated for the "firepower" of the enemy horse archers.
The main load in the defense of the column on the route fell on the infantry. Numbering up to 10,000 people, it was divided approximately in two so that the cavalry (up to 2000 people in total) and the convoy were between the two echelons. Insofar as crusaders moved in a southerly direction, the sea covered their right flank. In addition, from the sea they received supplies from Crusader fleet all the way where the coastline allowed the ships to come close to the shore.
Richard ordered that both echelons change places daily, one day holding back the Muslim attacks, and the other walking in relative safety along the coast.
Saladin had no less than 30,000 soldiers, who were divided in a ratio of 2: 1 into cavalry and infantry. The infantry of his chroniclers are called "black", although they are also described as Bedouin "with bows, quivers and round shields." It is possible that we can talk about Sudanese warriors, whom the rulers of Egypt often took on their troops as skilled archers.
However, it was not they, but the mounted archers, who were the source of the greatest anxiety for crusaders. Ambroise, poet and crusader, says this about the threat of the th side of the enemy:
“The Turks have one advantage, which served as a source of great damage to us. heavily armed, while the Saracens have a bow, club, sword or spear with a steel tip.
If they have to leave, they cannot be kept up - their horses are so good that there are no similar ones anywhere in the world, it seems as if they do not jump, but fly like swallows. They are like stinging wasps: if you chase them, they run away, and if you turn around, they catch up. eight
Only when the enemy was disorganized by losses and exhausted did Richard give knights an order to finish the job with a crushing throw.
On the coast near Arsuf, Salah ad-Din ambushed and then organized a powerful attack on the rear of the column of Richard I to force the rearguard crusaders get into a fight.
At first, Richard I> forbade any resistance, and the column stubbornly continued to march. Then, when the Turks were completely bolder, and the pressure on the rearguard became completely unbearable, Richard ordered the prearranged signal to attack to be blown.
The well-coordinated counter-attack took the unsuspecting Turks by surprise.
The battle was over in just a few minutes...
Obeying the orders > crusaders overcame the temptation to rush to pursue the defeated enemy. The Turks lost about 7 thousand people, the rest turned into a disorderly flight. Losses crusaders amounted to 700 people.
After that, Salah ad-Din never once dared to engage in open battle with Richard I. 6 The Turks were forced to go on the defensive, but the inconsistency of actions did not crusaders develop success.
In 1192, Richard I> marched on Jerusalem, pursuing Salah ad-Din, who, retreating, used the scorched earth tactics - destroyed all crops, pastures and poisoned wells. The lack of water, the lack of fodder for the horses, and the growing discontent in the ranks of his multinational army forced Richard willy-nilly to conclude that he was not in a position to lay siege to Jerusalem if he did not want to risk the almost inevitable death of the entire army.

He reluctantly retreated to the coast. Until the end of the year, there were many small skirmishes in which Richard I proved himself valiant. knight and talented tactician.
The staff service and the organization of the supply of his army were an order of magnitude superior to those typical of the Middle Ages. Richard I even provided a laundry service to keep clothes clean, in order to avoid the spread of epidemics. 6
Giving up hope of taking Jerusalem, on September 1, 1192, Richard signed an agreement with Saladin. This world, shameful for the honor of Richard, left behind the Christians a small coastal strip from Jaffa to Tire, Jerusalem remained in the power of the Muslims, the Holy Cross was not returned.
Saladin gave the Christians peace for three years. At this time, they could freely come to worship holy places.
Three years later, the Christians were obliged to enter into new agreements with Saladin, which, of course, were supposed to be worse than the previous ones.
This inglorious world was a heavy accusation against Richard. Contemporaries even suspected him of treason and betrayal; Muslims reproached him for excessive cruelty ...
October 9, 1192 Richard left holy land...
Richard I the Lionheart was on the throne for ten years, but spent no more than a year in England. He died during the siege of one of the French castles on April 6, 1199, wounded by an arrow in the shoulder... 4
The siege of Acre constitutes a fatal mistake on the part of the leaders of the Third crusade ; crusaders fought, wasted time and energy over a small piece of land, in essence useless to anyone, completely useless, with which they wanted to reward the Jerusalem king Guy de Lusignan.
With the departure of Richard the Lionheart, the heroic era crusades in holy land came to an end... 1

Information sources:
one. " Crusades"(magazine "Tree of Knowledge" No. 21 / 2002)
2. Uspensky F. "History crusades »
3. Wikipedia site
4. Vazold M. " »
5. Donets I. "Battle of Hattin"
6. "All the wars of world history" (according to Dupuy's Harper Encyclopedia of Military History)
7. Riley-Smith J. History crusades »
8. Bennet M., Bradbury J., De-Fry K., Dicky Y., Jestyce F. "Wars and battles of the Middle Ages"

3rd crusade. Preparing for a hike

The news of what had happened in the East was not immediately received in Europe, and the movement began in the West not earlier than 1188. The first news of events in the Holy Land came to Italy. For the pope at that time, there was no room for hesitation. All church policy in the 12th century turned out to be false, all the means used by Christians to hold on to the Holy Land were in vain. It was necessary to uphold both the honor of the church and the spirit of all Western Christianity. Despite any difficulties and obstacles, the pope took under his protection the idea of ​​raising the Third Crusade. In the near future, several definitions were drawn up, with the aim of spreading the idea of ​​a crusade throughout all Western states. The cardinals, amazed by the events in the East, gave the pope the word to take part in raising the campaign and preaching it to go barefoot through Germany, France and England. The pope decided to use all church means to facilitate participation in the campaign, if possible, for all estates. For this, an order was made to stop internal wars, the sale of fiefs was made easier for the knights, the collection of debts was postponed, it was announced that any assistance in the liberation of the Christian East would be accompanied by absolution.

It is known that the Third campaign was carried out under circumstances more favorable than the first two. Three crowned persons took part in it - the German emperor Frederick I Barbarossa, the French king Philip II Augustus and the English king Richard the Lionheart. There was only a general guiding idea in the campaign. The movement of the crusaders to the Holy Land was directed in different ways, and the very goals of the leaders who participated in the campaign were far from being the same. As a result, the history of the Third Campaign breaks up into separate episodes: the Anglo-French movement, the German movement, and the siege of Acre. The essential question which for a long time prevented the French and English kings from reaching agreement on a campaign depended on the mutual relations of France and England in the twelfth century. The fact is that the Plantagenets, counts of Anjou and Mena, who received the English throne as a result of the marriage of one of them to the heiress of William the Conqueror, sat on the English throne. Every English king, while remaining at the same time the Count of Anjou and Maine, the Duke of Aquitaine and Guyenne attached here, had to give the French king a fief oath to these lands. By the time of the Third Campaign, Henry II Plantagenet was the English king, and Philip II Augustus of France. Both kings found it possible to harm one another due to the fact that their lands in France were adjacent. The English king had his two sons, John and Richard, as rulers of his French regions. Philip made an alliance with them, armed them against their father, and more than once put Henry of England in a very difficult position. Richard was married to the sister of the French king, Alice, who then lived in England. A rumor spread that Henry II was having an affair with his son's fiancée; it is clear that this kind of rumor should have influenced Richard's disposition towards Henry II. The French king took advantage of this circumstance and began to fan the enmity between his son and father. He incited Richard, and the latter betrayed his father by taking an oath to the French king; this fact only contributed to the greater development of enmity between the French and English kings. There was another circumstance that prevented both kings from giving possible first aid to the Eastern Christians. The French king, wanting to stock up on significant funds for the upcoming campaign, announced a special tax in his state under the name of "Saladin's tithe". This tax extended to the possessions of the king himself, secular princes, and even to the clergy; no one, in view of the importance of the enterprise, was exempted from paying "Saladin's tithe". The imposition of tithes on the church, which never paid any taxes, and itself still enjoyed the collection of tithes, aroused discontent among the clergy, which began to put up a barrier to this measure and make it difficult for royal officials to collect Saladin's tithes. But nevertheless this measure was quite successfully carried out both in France and in England and gave a lot of money for the Third Crusade.

Meanwhile, during the dues, disturbed by war and internal rebellions, the English king Henry II died (1189), and the inheritance of the English crown passed into the hands of Richard, friend of the French king. Now both kings could boldly and amicably begin to implement the ideas of the Third Crusade. In 1190, the kings set out on a campaign. The success of the Third Crusade was greatly influenced by the participation of the English king. Richard, a highly energetic, lively, irritable man, acting under the influence of passion, was far from the idea of ​​​​a general plan, he was looking primarily for chivalrous deeds and glory. In his very preparations for the campaign, the traits of his character were too clearly reflected. Richard surrounded himself with a brilliant retinue and knights, on his army, according to contemporaries, he spent in one day as much as other kings spent in a month. Going on a campaign, he translated everything into money; he either leased his possessions or mortgaged and sold them. Thus, he did indeed raise enormous funds; his army was well armed. It would seem that good money and a large armed army should have ensured the success of the enterprise. Part of the English army set off from England on ships, while Richard himself crossed the English Channel to join the French king and direct his way through Italy. This movement began in the summer of 1190. Both kings intended to go together, but the large number of troops and the difficulties that arose in the delivery of food and fodder forced them to separate. The French king went ahead and in September 1190 arrived in Sicily and stopped at Messina, waiting for his ally. When the English king also arrived here, the movement of the allied army was delayed by the considerations that it was inconvenient to start a campaign in the autumn by sea; thus both armies spent the autumn and winter in Sicily until the spring of 1191.

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